OF 


HON.  FERNANDO  WOOD, 


MAYOR  OP  THE  CITY  OP  NEW- YORK. 


BY    DONALD    MAC    LEOD, 

AUTHOR  OF   "PYNKPHUKST,"   "BLOODSTONE,"    "LITE    OF    BIB    WALTER    SCOTT,"    ETC. 


NEW-YOKE:.- 
O.  F.  PARSONS,  PUBLISHER,  140  NASSAU  ST. 

BOSTON:    FETRIDGE    &    co. 

PHILADELPHIA:    J.    B.    LIPPIXCOTT    &    CO. 

1856. 


7 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  iu  the  year  1856,  by 
O.     F.     PARSONS, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern 
District  of  New-York. 


JOHN     A.    GRAY, 

PEINTEB     AND     STEREOTYPES, 

05  and  97  Cliff  St.,  N.Y. 


TO     THE 

HON.     EDWARD      EVERETT, 

THE 

ILLUSTRIOUS    SCHOLAR    AND    STATESMAN, 

THIS  WORK, 

BY    HIS     PERMISSION", 
IS  MOST  RESPECTFULLY  INSCRIBED. 


M193215 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

NATIONAL  AND  MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENTS  —  PECULIARITIES  OF 
GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  —  PECULIAR  CONDITION 
AND  WANTS  OF  NEW- YORK  CITY, 12 


CHAPTER    II 

HENRY  WOOD,  FOUNDER  OF  THE  FAMILY — RELIGIOUS  PERSECU 
TION  IN  NEW-ENGLAND — FLIGHT  FROM  NEWPORT,  AND  SETTLE 
MENT  ON  THE  DELAWARE, 16 


CHAPTER    III.  * 

PEASHORE,  AND  THE  FAMILY  THERE — PENN  AND  THE  QUAKERS — 
THE  PATRIARCH'S  DEATH,  AND  HIS  SUCCESSORS,      .       .       .         27 


CHAPTER    IV. 

WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE — FIGHTING  QUAKERS — MATERNAL  ANCES 
TRY — IMMEDIATE  FAMILY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD,     ...         33 


IV  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    Y. 

BIRTH  AND  CHILDHOOD  OF  THE  MAYOR  —  EARLY  INDEPENDENCE 
AND  ENERGY — ADVENTURES  AND  ANECDOTES,        ...          40 


On  APT  BE    VI. 

CIGAR-MAZING  —  CONGRESS,  AND  SPEECHES  THERE  DELIVERED — 
HENRY  CLAY  AND  THE  EX-CIGAR-MAKER—POOR  BLUMBERG,  .          47 


CHAPTER    VII. 

MRS.  WOOD'S  FAMILY —  AN  ADVENTURE  ON  THE  ISTHMUS,  AND  A 
TRIP  TO  SAN  FRANCISCO, 5! 


CHAPTER    VIII. 
CONGRESS — THE  FISCAL  SPEECH, 62 

CHAPTER    IX. 
CONGRESS — THE  SPEECH  ON  THE  TARIFF, 92 

CHAPTER    X. 
CONGRESS — SPEECH  ON  NAVY  APPROPRIATION  BILL,          .       .        112 

CHAPTER    XI. 
CONGRESS — THE  NAVAL  REPORT, 136 

CHAPTER    XII. 

ELECTION  TO  THE  MAYORALTY  —  DIFFICULTIES  OF  GOVERNMENT — 
DISPOSITIONS  OF  THE  NEW  MAYOR — COMPLAINT-BOOK,   .        .        156 


CONTENTS.  V 

CHAPTER    XIII. 
THE  POLICE  CHAPTER, 205 

CHAPTER    XI Y. 
WHAT  WE  MAY  LEGALLY  HAVE  TO  DRINK,          .       .        .       .        252 

CHAPTER    XV. 
ABOUT  EMIGRANTS, 272 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

REFORMS  DEMANDED — DIFFICULTIES  IN  THE  WAY — REFORMS  OB 
TAINED — A  DAY  IN  THE  MAYOR'S  OFFICE,       .....       284 

CHAPTER    XVII. 
FERNANDO  WOOD, 29*7 

APPENDIX. 
LETTERS  AND  MESSAGES, .  307 


CHAPTER       I . 

NATIONAL  AND  MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT — PECULIARITIES  OP  GOVEEN- 
MENT  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES — PECULIAR  CONDITION  AND  "WANTS  OP 
NEW-YORK  CITY. 

EVER  since  men  stood  in  need  of  a  government,  they 
have  disputed  as  to  what  was  the  best  form  and  princi 
ple  for  it.  Monarchy,  absolute  and  limited,  hereditary 
and  elective;  Empire;  Aristocracy;  Eepresentative  Ee- 
publicanism;  and  Absolute  Democracy,  have  all  been 
tried — all  had  their  merits  and  their  difficulties ;  all  pro 
duced  loyalists  and  malcontents ;  all  have  been  over- 
.  thrown  and  reestablished ;  all  have  their  opponents  and 
their  votaries ;  and  each  will  have  its  respective  enemies 
and  defenders  while  this  earth  of  ours  shall  exist. 

We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  have  decided 
that  the  best  government  for  us  is  Eepresentative  Ee- 
publicanism. 

Every  country  has  national  or  general  and  municipal 
or  city  government ;  and  in  no  country  in  the  world  are 
these  two  so  distinct.  Nay,  we  add  even  a  third  kind, 
State  government,  which  is  independent,  and  bears  no 
resemblance  to  European  provincial  government.  With 
this  last,  however,  we  have  at  present  nothing  to  do.  Our 


12  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

national  government  is  limited  in  its  powers  to  the  great 
general  rule  of  the  nineteen  or  twenty  millions,  who  form 
the  population  of  the  States — to  that  and  only  that  which 
concerns  Maine  and  Louisiana,  Pennsylvania  and  Ore 
gon  alike.  But  municipal  governments  apply  particu 
larly  and  individually,  deal  with  you  and  with  me  per 
sonally,  as  private  citizens,  as  householders,  as  profes 
sional  men.  There  is  no  centralization — no  capital  of 
the  land,  in  the  European  sense.  Paris  is  France;  Ber 
lin  is  Prussia ;  Vienna  is  Austria ;  the  judiciary,  the 
bar,  the  police,  the  military,  the  license-laws,  all  issue 
from  the  capital,  and  pass  through  the  entire  realm ;  but 
Washington  has  none  of  these  powers  out  of  the  boun 
daries  of  the  small  District  of  Columbia.  That  city  is 
not  the  United  States  in  this  sense ;  for,  with  few  ex 
ceptions,  each  State  is  an  independent  sovereignty ;  and 
even  cities  are  sometimes  independent  of  the  States  in 
matters  of  police  and  finance,  although  that  may  be 
changed  by  alteration  of  charter. 

See,  then,  how  widely  distinct  are  our  national  and  • 
municipal  governments,  and  it  is  well  so.  This  repub 
licanism,  with  the  powers  of  its  representatives  so 
limited,  is  found  the  most  admirable  general  system  for 
the  nation ;  but  when  you  take  into  consideration  the 
fabulous  extent  of  territory,  the  extraordinary  diversity 
of  interests,  the  singular  composition  of  the  populace, 
Anglo-Saxon,  Celtic,  Norse,  Teutonic,  Gallic,  etc.,  you 
will  see  how  utterly  impossible  a  thing  it  is  for  a  central, 
unique  capital  to  rule  it  intimately  and  well. 

Municipal  government  requires  a  certain  local,  inde 
pendent  power,  so  that  its  action  may  be  instant,  and  its 


NATIONAL  AND  MUNICIPAL   GOVEKNMENT.          13 

authority  in  particular  points  almost  irresponsible,  inas 
much  as  none  can  see  its  necessities  and  its  difficulties 
except  those  who  live  daily  and  hourly  exposed  to 
them. 

No  man  but  a  New-Yorker  can  imagine  the  difficulty 
of  governing  this  city.  He  can  not  guess  at  it.  Its 
population  of  nearly  three  quarters  of  a  million  occupies 
an  area  of  twenty-two  square  miles,  and  is  infinitely 
various  in  character,  language,  and  ideas.  Properly- 
called  New-Yorkers — that  is,  natives  of  two  or  three 
descents— are  almost  extinct;  their  number  would 
scarcely  reach  a  dozen  of  thousands.  Of  the  old  Dutch 
and  English  families  very  few  remain ;  the  immigration 
from  the  Eastern  States  alone  would  out-number  them ; 
and  the  overwhelming  influx  of  Europeans  of  late  years, 
while  it  has  caused  the  unprecedented  growth  of  the 
city,  has  helped  still  more  to  divide  and  subdivide  the 
classes  of  inhabitants.  There  are  thousands  of  Span 
iards,  and  Frenchmen,  and  Italians ;  there  are  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  Irish  and  Germans ;  there  are  quarters 
in  the  city  populated  by  eighteen  or  twenty  thousand 
souls,  who  speak  no  English ;  the  Saxon,  Celt,  Teuton, 
and  Gaul  are  heaped  together  in  the  mighty  town.  And 
all  these  have  different  ideas  of  government,  of  the 
meaning  of  the  word  "  liberty;"  have  different  rules  of 
action,  different  manners  of  thinking,  different  habits  of 
life. 

They  have  national  and  natural  antipathies  for  each 
other ;  each  race  is  jealous  of  the  advance  to  power  of 
the  others ;  each,  believes  the  other  ambitious  of  influ 
ence  and  capable  of  abusing  that  influence  to  the  detri- 


14  BIOGRAPHY  OF   FERNANDO    WOOD. 

ment  of  all  not  belonging  to  itself.  Again,  New- York 
is  the  basket  at  the  hospital-gate  for  European  found 
lings.  Wild,  rough,  ignorant  of  the  language,  customs, 
and  requirements  of  the  city,  they  are  set  upon  our 
wharves  by  thousands  to  linger  listlessly  about  the  board 
ing-houses  and  emigration-offices ;  or  to  walk  the  streets 
with  gaunt  eyes  wondering  at  the  din  and  bustle,  or 
with  pale  faces  and  outstretched  hands  soliciting  charity 
from  the  stranger,  upon  whose  pity  they  have  wandered 
here  to  throw  themselves. 

Now,  how  to  govern  so  huge,  so  densely  packed  a 
mass;  how  to  unite  or  at  least  keep  harmonious,  so 
many,  so  powerful  discordant  elements ;  how  to  recon 
cile  their  antipathies,  subdue  their  jealousies ;  how  to 
manage  the  newly-landed  hordes  of  poor;  how  to  please 
all,  or  at  least  to  keep  all  quiet — these  present  a  com 
plicated  problem,  the  solution  of  which  requires  a  wise 
man.  Where  such  a  diversity  of  thought,  language, 
rule  of  action,  habit  of  judgment,  predisposition,  and 
effect  of  education  exist,  there  is  no  such  thing  as  one 
public  mind;  where  there  is  not  one,  a  single  public 
mind,  'it  is  almost  impossible  that  the  decrees  or  wishes 
of  the  government  can  be  generally  understood  or  made 
acceptable.  Therefore,  in  order  well  to  rule  such  a  city, 
the  government  must  have  power  commensurate  with 
its  necessities.  If  one  State  go  wrong  there  are  the 
other  thirty  to  bring  it  back,  because  the  nation  has  a, 
common  public  mind.  But  there  being  no  such  thing 
in  New- York,  city  government  becomes  more  difficult 
and  requires  more  precise,  more  unquestionable  power. 

Men  in  huge  cities  are  careless  about  the  ordinary 


NATIONAL  AND  MUNICIPAL   GOVERNMENT.          15 

events  that  occur  daily  in  their  midst ;  commercial  New- 
York,  so  busy,  so  headlong,  has  no  time  to  give  to  the 
study  of  its  own  individual  peculiarities.  Our  citizens 
are  satisfied  with  a  general  knowledge  of  what  the 
nation  is  doing  and  wanting,  without  troubling  their 
heads  about  what  is  going  on  next  door,  or  at  the  end 
of  the  block,  or  in  the  quarter  where  they  do  not  reside. 
If  they  happen  to  see  a  man  knocked  down  and  robbed, 
they  say:  u  Ah!  what  are  our  governors  about?  there  is 
a  screw  loose  somewhere."  They  explain  the  matter 
philosophically  to  their  wives,  and  at  12  M.  next  day, 
they  have  forgotten  it. 

They  have  also  the  national  defiance  of  intrusting 
their  rulers  at  Washington,  the  President  and  the  Con 
gress,  with  power ;  they  have  the  same  fear  of  intrust 
ing  their  municipal  rulers  with  power.  Because  they 
do  not  see  the  precise  condition  of  the  populace  here, 
the  absolute  need  of  additional,  positive  authority ;  be 
cause  they  do  not  reflect  that  no  other  such  city,  no  city 
with  such  peculiarities,  difficulties,  and  necessities  exists 
here,  or,  indeed,  upon  the  face  of  the  whole  earth. 

Because  of  this  lack  of  observation  and  reflection,  a 
demand  for  more  power  would  probably  be  unpopular. 
Therefore  it  is  a  brave  thing  to  demand  it,  and  patiently 
to  set  to  work  to  prove  that  it  is  needed.  The  man  who 
demands  it  is  brave ;  the  man  who  obtains  it  is  capable, 
and  if  capable,  a  fit  ruler  for  you  and  for  me. 

To  write  the  life  and  career  of  such  an  one  is  an  hon 
orable  task  for  the  man  of  letters ;  is  a  good  deed  done 
for  the  people. 


CHAPTER     II. 

HENRY  WOOD,    THE   FOUNDER  OF  THE  FAMILY — RELIGIOUS  PERSECUTION 
IN  NEW-ENGLAND — FLIGHT  FROM   NEWPORT    AND   SETTLEMENT   ON  THE 
*    DELAWARE. 

THE  history  of  this  country's  original  settlement  is 
the  history  of  religious  persecution.  The  Puritans,  self- 
exiled  for  conscience'  sake  to  New-England,  were  more 
fiercely  and  implacably  intolerant  than  their  Episcopa 
lian  foes  in  England  had  been.  Roger  Williams,  the 
Baptist,  was  driven  to  and  colonized  Providence,  Rhode- 
Island;  and  Henry  Wood,  a  Quaker,  who  had  emi 
grated  from  Wales  about  1650,  was  further  compelled 
to  leave  Massachusetts,  to  save  life  and  property. 

He,  the  first  of  the  family  in  America,  was  born  in 
1616 ;  but  the  stern  period  of  the  Protectorate  rendered 
a  stay  in  his  native  country  impossible.  He  fled  to  New- 
England,  but  only  to  discover  that  the  Puritans  in  their 
new  home  were  more  bitterly  severe  than  in  the  old  land 
of  their  nativity.  Their  only  idea  of  religious  liberty 
was  that  others  were  free  to  believe  their  sour  dogmas, 
and  no  other  thing.  They  were  particularly  violent 
against  the  Quaker.  The  Blue-Laws  forbade  him  food 
or  lodging,  and  the  laws  of  the  Plymouth  Colony  were 
still  more  severe.  In  one  case  the  court  decided,  "that 


THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  FAMILY.         17 

in  case  any  shall  bring  in  any  Quaker,  Kantor,  or  other 
notorious  Heretique,  either  by  lande  or  water,  into  any 
parte  of  this  government,"  he  shall  be  condemned  to 
pay  twenty-five  shillings  a  week  penalty,  or  take  the 
said  "heretique"  away. 

October  6,  1657,  however,  witnessed  the  passing  of 
the  crowning  glory  of  Pilgrim-paternal  legislation  :  "As 
an  addition  to  the  late  order  in  reference  to  the  coming 
or  bringing  in  of  the  cursed  sect  of  Quakers  into  this 
jurisdiction,  it  is  ordered,  that  whosoever  shall  hence 
forth  bring  or  cause  to  be  brought,  directly  or  indirectly, 
any  known  Quaker  or  Quakers,  or  other  blasphemous 
heretiques,  into  this  jurisdiction,  every  such  person  shall 
forfeit  the  sum  of  one  hundred  pounds  to  the  country, 
and  shall  by  warrant  from  any  magistrate,  be  committed 
to  prison,  there  to  remain  until  the  penalty  be  satisfied 
and  paid.  And  if  any  person  or  persons  within  this 
jurisdiction  shall  henceforth  entertain  or  conceal  any  such 
Quaker  or  Quakers,  or  other  blasphemous  heretiques, 
knowing  them  to  be  so,  every  such  person  shall  forfeit 
to  the  country  forty  shillings  for  such  entertainment  of 
any  Quaker  or  Quakers,  as  aforesaid,  and  shall  be  com 
mitted  to  prison,  as  aforesaid,  until  the  forfeiture  be 
fully  satisfied  and  paid :  and  it  is  further  ordered,  that 
if  any  Quaker  or  Quakers  shall  presume,  after  they  have 
once  suffered  what  the  law  requireth,  to  come  into  this 
jurisdiction,  every  such  male  Quaker  shall  for  his  first 
offense  have  one  of  his  ears  cut  off,  and  be  kept  at  work 
att  the  house  of  correction  until  he  can  be  sent  away  att 
his  own  charge:  and  for  the  second  offense,  he  shall 
have  the  other  ear  cut  off,  and  be  kept  at  the  house  of 


18  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

correction  as  aforesaid.  And  every  woman  Quaker  that 
hath  suffered  the  law  here,  and  hath  presumed  to  come 
into  this  jurisdiction,  shall  be  severely  whipt  and  kept 
at  the  house  of  correction  until,  etc.  And  for  every 
Quaker,  he  or  she,  that  shall  a  third  time  herein  again 
offend,  they  shall  have  their  tongues  bored  through  with 
a  hot  iron  and  be  kept,  etc." 

Where  such  laws  were  in  fashion,  it  is  not  at  all 
astonishing  that  ship-builder  Henry  Wood,  an  energetic 
man,  should  soon  find  himself  in  collision  with  the  au 
thorities,  and  find  that  his  only  safety  lay  in  flight.  He 
took  a  sloop  which  he  owned,  perhaps  which  he  had 
builded,  put  his  wife,  his  sons — clever,  well-grown  boys 
— and  his  other  valuables,  aboard,  or  at  least  such  as  he 
could  lay  hands  on  at  short  notice,  and  so  put  forth  from 
intolerant  New-England.  By  way  of  help  on  the  voyage, 
he  took  with  him  a  very  limited  general  knowledge  of 
navigation,  a  fine,  persistent  will,  some  trust  in  God,  and 
a  wife  who  helped  him  navigate  and  stood  her  watch  at 
the  wheel  or  tiller  like  a  staunch  sailor. 

This  brave  Quaker,  Henry  Wood,  steered  south-west, 
probably  because  pleasant  winds  came  from  that  direc 
tion,  and  he  fancied  that  sweet  winds  come  from  pleasant 
places.  Anyhow,  he  steered  south- westwardly,  and  by 
the  blessing  of  Heaven,  he  made  Cape  May  one  morning. 
He  did  not  know  where  he  was  precisely ;  but  as  there 
was  rather  a  nice  inlet  and  a  fine  bay,  he  put  his  helm 
up,  and  ran  with  such  breeze  as  he  could  get,  up  the 
Delaware  River.  Forests  and  plains,  sunny  slopes  of 
upland,  pleasant  valleys,  and  a  hill  or  so,  he  doubtless 
saw :  but  for  the  first  thirty  miles,  nothing  that  looked 


THE   FOUNDER  OF  THE   FAMILY.  19 

like  humanity,  far  less  like  civilized  humanity.  But,  so 
much  of  the  voyage  accomplished,  he  came  upon  certain 
huts,  built  there  in  1643  by  adventurous  Swedes,  and 
now  in  1855  called  by  us  moderns  Newcastle. 

The  Swedes  had  been  in  the  neighborhood  since  1637, 
purchasing  at  that  time  from  the  Indians  the  whole  dis 
trict  of  country  up  the  Delaware  from  the  Capes  to  Tren 
ton,  some  thirty  miles  or  so  above  the  present  site  of 
Philadelphia,  They  called  these  lands  New-Sweden. 
It  was  from  these  settlers  that  Penn  bought  the  site  of 
Philadelphia  and  of  other  portions  of  the  country.  The 
seller's  name  was  Sven,  which  was  corrupted  into  Swan ; 
and  Sven's  ssener,  or  the  sons  of  Sven,  have  their  name 
still  commemorated  by  Swanson  street  in  Southwark. 

This  Swedish  settlement  was,  in  1655,  conquered  by 
our  own  doughty  Petrus  Stuyvesant,  hard  kcepig  Piet, 
who,  with  many  voluminously -breeched  Dutchmen,  and 
with  his  brave  trumpeter  Anthony  doubtless,  came 
valiantly  up  the  Delaware,  and  did  then  and  there  man 
fully  set  upon  and  conquer  those  pestilent  Swedes.  Af 
ter  which  important  event,  the  colony  became  Dutch  in 
ownership  and  government,  but  remained  purely  Swed 
ish  in  populace.  They  were  good  people,  these  Swedes, 
land  and  just  to  the  Indians,  and  therefore  trusted  and 
beloved  by  those  red  people,  with  whom  they  lived  in 
friendship  and  mutual  kind  feeling,  when  our  adventurer 
sailed  up  the  Delaware. 

But  Swedes  are  not  Quakers,  and  his  late  experiences 
had  induced  him  to  prefer  communication  with  the 
members  of  that  sect  rather  than  with  any  other  people. 
So  he  would  not  stop,  nor  hold  communication  with 


20  BIOGRAPHY   OF   FERNANDO   WOOD. 

those  blonde-haired  men,  nor  let  them  come  aboard,  but 
drove  right  on  until  his  eye  fell  upon  a  spot  where  he 
fancied  he  might  live  in  peace,  although  such  peace 
might  include  considerable  isolation. 

I  don't  know  that  he  beached  the  sloop,  but  I  rather 
fancy  he  did ;  and  then,  like  Noah,  he  and  his  wife  and 
his  sons  came  out  of  their  ark,  and  went  bravely  up  into 
the  forest,  to  make  for  themselves  what  manner  of  home 
-  their  own  stout  hearts  and  arms  could  accomplish. 
Sharp  axes  and  some  physical  strength  were  needed  in 
those  rough  days  of  America,  when  thirty  miles  up  the 
Delaware  was  backwoods,  and  we  presume  that  Henry 
"Wood  was  provided  with  both ;  for  the  kingly  trees 
were  felled,  a  clearing  made,  a  cabin  built,  as  nicely  as 
could  be  managed  at  the  time,  and  Henry  and  his  wife 
and  boys  entered  therein  and  dwelt  there. 

Doubtless  there  were  seeds  of  maize,  and  wheat,  and 
oats  among  the  sloop's  stores,  which  he  and  the  boys 
planted  as  best  they  might.  At  least  he  and  they  might 
live  there  and  preach,  if  it  pleased  them,  without  having 
their  "  tongues  bored  through  with  a  hot  iron."  Rela 
tively  speaking,  even  this  cabin  in  the  forest  was  a 
change  for  the  better.  When  the  smoke  came  out  of 
the  chimneys  or  the  crannies  in  the  logs,  as  the  case  may 
have  been,  it  rose  up  and  floated  over  lands  which  lie 
just  now  some  five  miles  above  Camclen ;  that  is,  oppo 
site  to  the  pleasant  though  rectangular  city  of  Phila 
delphia. 

His  Majesty  James  Stuart,  Seventh  of  Scotland,  and 
Second  of  England,  was  the  kind  friend  and  gener 
ous  protector  of  the  peaceful  though  much-persecuted 


THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE   FAMILY.  21 

Quakers.  Shortly  after  his  accession  to  the  throne,  more 
than  four  hundred  'of  those  religionists  were  released 
from  prison  at  one  time.  "William  Penn  was  the  per 
sonal  and  familiar  friend  of  the  king,  passed  much  of 
his  time  at  court,  and  was  supposed  to  have  more  influ 
ence  than  any  other  person  there.  It  was  in  payment  of 
an  old  debt  due  from  the  crown,  that  the  grant  of  the 
American  province  was  made  to  him ;  and  when,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  sixteen  hundred  and  eighty-three,  he 
came  with  his  colonists  to  found  Philadelphia,  he  was 
met  by  Henry  Wood,  who  had  lived  alone  in  the  forest 
there  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  with  his  stout 
hearted  wife  and  sons,  his  broad-brimmed  principles, 
and  his  absolute  determination  to  l^eep  his  conscience 
free. 

Wood  was  the  first  white  man  to  mount  the  quarter 
deck  of  the  owner  and  lord  of  Pennsylvania  ;  and  it  is 
said,  that  when  he  saw  his  brethren  in  the  faith,  he,  like 
the  patriarch  of  old,  lifted  up  his  voice  and  wept  for 
joy  that  his  twenty -seven  years  of  isolation  were  at 
an  end. 

He  had  settled,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Camden ;  indeed  his  tract  comprehended  the  site  of  that 
city ;  settling  first,  as  men  did  in  those  days,  without 
troubling  himself  about  the  ownership  of  the  place,  but 
afterwards,  like  a  just  man,  purchasing  fairly  from  the 
Indians  the  huge  property.  The  savage  called  the  eastern 
lands  of  the  Delaware,  where  now  are  the  counties  of 
Burlington,  Gloucester,  and  Camden,  Arwowmosse,  and 
hereabout  Wood  added  to  his  vast  estate,  by  purchase 
from  one  Samuel  Cole,  several  hundred  acres  more  of 


22  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

lands.  The  deed  is  old  and  quaint,  and  it  may  gratify- 
some  readers'  curiosity  to  see  how  conveyancing  was 
accomplished  in  those  primitive  times  of  America. 

THE    DEED. 

THIS  INDENTURE  made  the  fifth  day  of  September  in  the  yeare  of 
our  Lord  according  to  English  Accompt.  one  Thousand  Six  Hun 
dred  Eighty  and  Two  Betweene  Samuell  Cole  of  Arwawmosse  in  the 
Province  of  West  Jersey,  Yeoman  and  Elizabeth  his  Wife  of  the 
One  part,  and  Henry  Wood  now  or  late  of  Newport  upon  Eoad 
Island  in  new  England  Carpenter  of  the  other  part  Witnesseth,  that 
the  said  Samuell  Cole  for  &  in  consideration  of  the  Sum  of  fifty 
three  pounds  of  Current  money  (that  is  to  say)  flfteene  pounds  (part 
thereof)  of  lawful  English-  money  and  Thirty  and  eight  pounds  (the 
remainder  thereof)  of  ^Currant  Boston  money  of  new  England  to  him 
the  said  Samuell  Cole  in  hand  paid  &  secured  to  bee  paid  by  the 
said  Henry  Wood  at  or  before  the  sealeing  and  delivery  of  these 
prsents  the  receipt  whereof  Hee  the  said  Samuell  Cole  doth  hereby 
acknowledge  and  thereof  and  of  every  part  and  parcell  thereof?  doth 
acquit  Exonorate  Deliver  and  Discharge  the  said  Henry  Wood  his 
heires  Executors  &  Administrator  and  every  of  them  for  ever  by 
these  prsents.  And  the  rather  for  that  it  stands  with  the  good  will  & 
knowing  of  the  said  Elizabeth  the  wife  of  the  said  Samuell  and  by  her 
consent  and  appointm't  certifyed  by  her  being  a  party  to  these  prsents 
and  putting  her  hand  and  seale  hereunto.  Hath  Granted  Bargained 
and  Sold  Assigned  Enfeoffed  Keleased  and  Confirmed.  And  by  the 
these  prsents  doth  fully,*  clearly  and  absolutely  Grant  Bargain  &  sell 
Assign  Enfeoffe  Release  and  Confirm  unto  the  said  Henry  Wood  his 
Heires  and  Assignes  for  ever  (in  his  Actual  possession  now  being  by 
virtue  of  a  Bargaine  &  Sale  for  one  whole  yeare  to  him  thereof  made 
by  Indenture  hereupon  endorsed  bearing  date  the  day  before  the 
date  of  these  prsents  and  of  the  Statute  for  transferring  uses  in  pos 
session)  one  twentieth  prte  (in  Twenty  prts  divided  or  to  be  divided) 
of  that  Propriety  or  tract  of  Land  in  West  new  Jersey  aforesaid  pur 
chased  by  him  the  said  Samuell  Cole,  and  Benjamin  Bartlett  of  Wil- 


THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE  FAMILY.  23 

liam  Penn,  Gawen  Lawey  Nicholas  Lucas  and  Edward  Billings  by 
Indenture  of  Lease  and  Release  beareing  date  the  first  &  second  days 
of  March  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1676.  And  alsoe  all  that  the 
Dwelling  House  or  Tenement  of  him  the  said  Samuell  Cole  situate 
standing  or  being  at  Arwawmosse  aforesaid  wherein  hee  the  said  Sa 
muell  Cole  now  inhabitteth,  with  all  and  singular  the  outhousing  and 
appurtenances  thereunto  belonging.  And  also  one  hundred  Acres  of 
Land  now  being  the  plantation  of  him  the  said  Samuell  Cole  whereon 
the  said  dwelling  house  stands  with  all  and  every  the  foulds  yards  back 
sides  orchards  gardens  floures  walls  wayes  waters  &  pitts  commodities 
&  improvements  to  the  said  one  hundred  Acres  or  Plantation  belonging 
or  appertaining  with  all  and  every  the  mines  minerals  woods  fishings 
hawkings  huntings  &  fowlings  and  all  other  pitts  and  commodities  Here- 
ditamts  and  Appurtances  to  the  said  Granted  premises  or  any  prte  or 
drcll  thereoff  belonging  or  appertaining  (except  &  reserved  foth  of  this 
Grant  unto  the  said  Samuell  Cole  his  Heires  &  Assigns  for  ever  one 
Cow  House  belonging  to  the  said  Dwelling  House)  And  all  the  Estate 
Right  Tytle  Interest  and  possession  property  clayme  and  demand 
whatsoever  of  him  the  said  Samuell  Cole  or  Elizabeth  his  Wife  or 
either  of  them  of,  in  or  unto  the  same  or  any  prte  or  prcll  thereof. 
And  the  Reversion  &  Reversions  Remainder  or  Remainders  of  the 
same.  And  all  deeds  evidences  and  writings  concerning  the  said 
Granted  pmiisses  onely  or  onely  any  pte  or  prcll  thereof  and  true 
coppies  of  such  other  deeds  evidences  and  writings  as  are  in  the  Cus 
tody  or  possession  of  the  said  Samuell  Cole  which  concerne  the  said 
Granted  premises  joyntly  with  other  lands,  such  saicl  copies  to  bee 
made  out  and  written  at  the  pper  costs  and  charges  of  the  said  Henry 
Wood  his  heires  or  assigns  To  HAVE  AND  TO  HOLD  the  said  granted 
premises  or  herein  and  hereby  mentioned  or  intended  to  bee  granted 
bargained  or  sold  with  their  or  every  of  their  Appurtenances  (except 
before  excepted)  unto  the  said  Henry  Wood  his  heires  and  assigns  for 
ever,  to  the  only  proper  use  and  behoof  of  him  the  said  Henry  Wood 
his  heires  and  assigns  for  evermore.  And  the  saide  Samuell  Cole,  for 
himselfe  his  heires,  executors  and  Admtrs.  do  covenant  devise  and  grant 
to  and  with  the  said  Henry  Wood,  his  heires  and  assignes  by  the  sd  pre 
sents  and  it  shall  and  may  bee  lawful  to  and  for  the  said  Henry  Wood 


24  BIOGRAPHY  OP  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

his  heires  and  assignes  for  ever  hereafter  peaceably  and  quietly  to  have, 
hold,  use  occupie  possesse  and  enjoy  the  said  granted  premises  and 
every  pts  and  prcls,  thereof  with  tlieire  appurtn8,  without  any  law  let 
suits  trouble  dangers,  eviction,  ejection  or  disturbance  of  him  the  said 
Samuel  Cole  and  Elizabeth  his  wife  or  either  of  them  their  or  either 
of  their  heires  or  assignes  or  of  any  other  psons,  their  assignes  or  any 
other  prsons  lawfully  clayming  or  to  to  be  claymed  in,  by,  from,  or 
under  them  or  either  or  any  of  them,  freed,  discharged  of  and  from 
all  other  estates  tytles,  dower,  tytle  of  dower  troubles  charges,  bur 
thens,  and  incumbrances  whatsoever  had  made,  done,  committed  or 
suffered  or  hereafter  to  be  had  made,  done,  committed  suffered  or 
*  *  *  *  *  by  the  said  Samuel  Cole  and  Elizabeth  his  wife  or  either 
of  them  their  or  either  of  their  heirs  or  assignes,  or  by  any  other 
pson  or  psons  clayming  or  to  be  claymed  by  —  *  *  *  [Here  follows 
a  line  illegible  because  of  the  dilapidations  of  this  quaint  old  deed] 
forth  of  the  said  granted  premises  unto  James  Duke  of  Yorke  his 
heires  and  assignes  excepted  and  foreprized  and  further  that  the  said 
Samuel  Cole  and  Elizabeth  his  wife  and  their  heires  shall  and  will,  at 
the  request,  cost  and  charges  of  the  said  Henry  Wood,  his  heires 
executors  and  assignes  at  all  or  any  tyme  or  tymes,  dureing  the  terme 
and  space  of  seven  yeares  next  ensueing  the  date  hereof,  make,  doe, 
execute  and  suffer  or  cause  to  be  made  done  executed  and  suffered,  all 
or  any  such  other  acte  or  acts,  thing  or  things  conveyance  or  assur 
ance  or  by  the  same  Henry  Wood,  his  heirs  or  assignes  shall  be 
reasonably  and  lawfully  required  for  the  further  better  and  more  per- 
fecte  conveying  and  assuring  the  said  granted  premises  and  every  prt 
and  prcl  of  the  said  premises  unto  the  said  Henry  Wood  his  heires 
and  assignes  forever  according  to  the  purport,  true  intent  and  meaning 
of  these  prsts,  soe  as  that  for  the  doeing  and  executing  thereof,  the 
said  prties,  who  shall  bee  required  to  make  such  further  assurance  bee 
not  bee  compelled  or  compellable  to  travel  further  than  the  space  of 
twelve  miles  from  his  or  their  place  of  aboad  at  the  tyme  of  such 
request  to  be  made  and  soe  as  such  further  conveyance  or  assurance 
containe  noe  further  or  larger  warrantee  than  as  aforesaide. 

IN  WITNESS  whereof  the  said  prties  to  these  prsnts  ;  interchange 
ably  have  sette  theire  hands  and  scales,  the  day  and  yeares  above 
written  1682. 


THE  FOUNDER  OF  THE   FAMILY.  25 

Here  follows  the  confirmation  of  the  above  deed  by 
"Wm.  Penn  or  others  associated  with  him  in  the  commis 
sion  which  contained  his  grant  of  Pennsylvania. 

THIS  INDENTURE  made  the  fowreth,  4th,  day  of  September  in  the 
yeare  off  our  Lord  according  to  English  accompts  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  eighty  and  two,  betweene  Samuel  Cole  of  Arwawmosse 
in  the  province  of  West  Jersey  Yeoman  of  the  one  pte  and  Henry 
Wood  now  or  late  of  Newport,  Road  Island  in  New  England,  Car 
penter  of  the  other  part  Witnesseth,  that  the  said  Samuel  Cole  for 
and  in  consideration  of  Five  shillings  of  Currant  English  money  to 
him  in  hand  by  the  said  Henry  Wood  at  and  before  the  sealing  and 
delivery  of  these  presents  whereof  and  wherewith  hee  the  said  Samuel 
Cole  doth  hereby  acknowledge  himselfe  fully  satisfyed  contented  and 
paid  hath  devised  granted  bargained  and  sold  And  by  these  psntsdoth 
demise  grant  bargain  and  sell  unto  the  said  Henry  Wood  his  Exrs 
Admtrs  and  assignes  one  twentieth  pt  (in  twenty  pts  divided  or  to  be 
divided)  of  that  portion  or  tract  of  land  in  West  New  Jersey  afore 
said  purchased   by  the  said  Samuel  Cole  &  Benjamin  Bartlett  of 
William  Penn  Gawen  Lowrey  and  Nicholas  Lucas  and  Edward  Bil 
lings  by  indenture  of  lease  and  release  bearing  date  the  first  and  second 
dayes  of  March  in  the  year  of  0'  Lord  1676  and  alsoe  all  that  the 
dwelling  house  or  tenem1  of  him  the  said  Samuel  Cole  situate  stand 
ing  or  being  at  Arwawmosse  aforesaid  wherein  hee  the  said  Samuell 
inhabitteth  with  all  and  singular  the  outhouses  and  appurtenances 
thereunto  belonging  and  also  one  hundred  acres  of  land  more  beiug 
the  plantation  of  him  the  said  Samuell  Cole  whereon  the  said  dwell 
ing  house  stands  with  all  and  every  the  ffoulds  yards  backsides  orchards 
gardens  flowers  walls  ways  waters  prfitts  commodities  improvements 
to  the  said  one  hundred  acres  or  plantation  belonging  or  appertayn- 
ing  with  all  and  every  the  mines  mineralls  woods  ffishing  hawkings 
huntings  and  ffowlings  and  all  other  prfitts  commodities  hereditam*1 
and  appurtenances  to  the  said  granted  prmisses  or  any  pt  or  prcell 
thereof  belonging  or  appertayning  except  reserved  forth  of  this  devise 
grant  unto  the  said  Samuell  Cole  his  heires  and  assignes  forever  one 
cowhouse  belonging  to  the  said  dwelling  house  TO  HAVE  AND  TO  HOLD 
2 


26  BIOGKAPHY    OF   FERNANDO   WOOD. 

the  said  devised  and  granted  prmisses  and  every  pl  and  prcell  thereof 
with  their  and  every  of  their  appurtenances  (except  before  excepted) 
unto  the  said  Henry  Wood  his  Exrs  Admrs  and  assignes  from  the 
day  before  the  date  hereof  for  and  during  one  whole  yeare  from  thence 
next  ensuing  fully  to  be  compleat  and  ended  to  the  intent  that  by 
vertue  of  these  prsents  and  for  the  statute  for  transferring  uses  into 
possession  he  the  said  Henry  Wood  may  be  actuall  possessor  of  the 
said  prmisses  and  may  be  enabled  to  accept  and  take  a  grant  of  the 
revision  of  the  pTmisses  to  the  uses  thereof  to  be  declared. 

IN  WITNESSE  whereof  the  said  prties  to  these  prsent  Indentures  Inter 
changeably  hav  sett  their  hands  and  scales  the  day  and  yeare  first 
above  written  1682. 

The  above  deed  and  confirmation  appear  to  have  been 
duly  acknowledged  before  Elias  Farr  and  James  Deven- 
port  in  the  presence  of  Samuel  Lorings,  Eobert  Wade, 
Thos.  Kevell. 

Endorsed  on  the  Parchment  appears  as  follows  : 

"  Entered  into  the  Records  of  the  Province  _ above  sd  in  the  66  & 
67  pages  of  book  B.  by  me  Tho  Eevell,  Record1. 

Also: 

"Aprill  ye  I2«h  Acpp1 1689. 

"  Granted  that  a  warrant  to  Henry  Wood  for  ye  survey  of  sd 
second  of  the  within  Granted  premises  be  issued  promptly 

per  me.  JOHN  REDDING. 


CHAPTER     III. 

PEASHORB,  AND  THE  FAMILY  THERE — PENS  AND  THE  QUAKERS — THE 
PATRIARCH'S  DEATH,  AND  HIS  SUCCESSORS. 

THE  precise  spot  on  which  the  worthy  Friend  builded 
his  house  and  dwelt,  he  called  Peashore,  because  of  the 
abundant  crops  of  that  delicious  esculent  produced  by 
the  seeds  which  came  in  the  sloop  from  Newport,  and 
Peashore  has  been  the  family  homestead  ever  since. 
Here  were  born  and  lived  the  ancestors  of  the  Mayor  of 
this  our  Empire  City,  and  not  far  off  is  the  burial- 
ground  where,  one  by  one,  as  they  grew  old  and  weary, 
they  were  carried  and  laid  down  to  rest. 

Henry  and  Benjamin  were  the  names  of  the  two  sons, 
of  whom  the  former  died  soon  after  the  new  settlement, 
and  of  whom  nothing  is  recorded  save  that  he  lived  and 
helped  his  father,  and  died  in  the  midst  of  his  youth. 
But  Benjamin,  who  was  born  in  England  in  1649,  lived 
stoutly,  and  when  he  grew  old  enough  was  endowed  by 
his  father  with  an  estate  of  seven  hundred  and  eighty- 
four  acres,  whereof  the  record  may  be  seen  to  this  day 
in  Book  M.  S.  B.,  pp.  162  to  164,  at  the  Kegister's  office 
in  Burlington,  New-Jersey.  It  seems  that  they  were 
earned  there  when  the  record-office  of  Gloucester 


28  BIOGKAPHY   OF   FERNANDO   WOOD. 

county  was  destroyed,  during  the  stormy  times  of  the 
"War  of  Independence. 

Armed  with  the  royal  grant,  William  Penn  went 
resolutely  to  work  to  establish  his  new  colony  on  a  firm 
basis.  He  made  his  famous  treaty  with  the  Indians, 
shaming,  by  its  moderation  and  kind  integrity,  the  cruel 
.and  unjust  way  of  dealing  which  was  generally  adopted 
by  other  white  settlers  in  this  country. 

There  was  much  to  do.  A  constitution  was  to  be 
formed,  a  legislative  assembly  and  supreme  council  to 
be  chosen.  All  were  free  to  believe  as  they  pleased, 
and  go  to  what  church  they  liked,  provided  only  that 
they  did  not  believe  in  the  innocence  of  stage-plays,  or 
pledging  of  healths.  Then  there  were  quarrels  with 
Lord  Baltimore  about  the  boundary  line  between  Penn's 
grant  and  Maryland,  which  doubtless  vexed  the  worthy 
Quaker's  soul.  There  were  also  the  Swedes  and  Hol 
landers  to  be  naturalized,  and  taxes  and  imposts  to  be 
regulated,  and  their  collection  to  be  provided  for. 

But  at  last  all  this  work  was  accomplished,  and  the 
"  Governor  and  proprietary"  of  the  Province  saw  his 
colony  in  a  condition  prosperous  and  likely  to  prosper. 

No  one  enjoyed  a  closer  intimacy  with  Penn  than 
.Henry  Wood.  From  his  long  residence  in  the  country 
before  the  arrival  of  the  great  Quaker,  he  was  familiarly 
known  to  and  trusted  by  the  natives.  Consequently, 
he  was  employed  as  arbiter  and  regulator  of  disputes, 
which  might  arise  between  the  whites  and  Indians.  His 
reputation  as  pioneer,  and  the  long  experience  which  he 
had  enjoyed,  made  him  naturally  the  counsellor  and 
protector  of  the  young  colony,  and  his  many  and  im- 


PEASHOEE,   THE   FAMILY  SEAT.  29 

portant  services  were  rewarded  by  Perm  with,  a  confirm 
ation  of  title  to  the  property  which  he  already  held  by 
purchase  from  the  Indians. 

So  at.  last  the  end  carne.  The  snows  of  seventy-eight 
winters  were  white  upon  the  staunch  old  Quaker's  head ; 
the  tall,  powerful  frame  was  beginning  to  bow  and  grow 
feeble,  and  at  last,  in  1694,  he  put  off  the  robes  of  this 
mortality,  and  lay  down  in  the  burial-ground  at  Pea- 
shore  beside  his  first-born  son. 

Thirty-eight  years  before,  he  had  settled  where  his 
dust  reposes  now,  coming  out  of  his  sloop  and  planting 
his  dried  peas.  Persecution  drove  him  from  his  native 
land,  and  followed  him  to  that  which  he  adopted.  For 
him  there  was  no  religious  peace  nor  freedom  to  worship 
God  either  in  Old  or  New-England.  The  civilized,  the 
learned,  the  Christian  populations  had  no  charity  for 
him  or  for  his  creed,  and  so  he  took  refuge  in  the  wild 
forest  among  the  dusky  savage  tribes,  and  the  savage 
gave  him  hospitality  and  liberty  of  conscience ;  learned 
to  respect  and  confide  in  liim  ;  gave  him  a  share  of  their 
lands,  and  bade  him  stay  there  and  be  happy,  without 
fear  of  prison,  or  stocks,  or  whipping,  or  of  having  his 
tongue  bored  through  with  a  red-hot  iron  for  speaking, 
when  the  Spirit  moved  him,  the  words  which  such  Spirit 
incited  him  to  say. 

Benjamin  "Wood  succeeded  to  the  large  property  left 
by  his  father,  as  well  as  to  the  indomitable  energy  and 
excellent  characteristics  of  the  old  man.  He  continued 
the  clearing  of  the  forest  and  the  cultivation  of  the  land, 
and  added  thereto  another  source  of  wealth.  He  em- 


80  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

barked  largely  in  the  Delaware  fisheries,  which  were 
excellent  particularly,  as  at  this  day,  for  shad,  and  sup 
plied  the  new  colony  of  Philadelphia  and  its  broad- 
brimmed  inhabitants  with  that  delicate  fish.  And  so 
his  wealth  increased,  and  would  have  been  enormous 
but  for  a  great  good-nature  and  perhaps  over-generous 
temperament. 

People  were  settling  now  along  the  opposite  shores  of 
the  Delaware,  and  he  was  always  ready  to  assist  them 
with  money  or  a  bit  of  land,  as  the  case  might  be.  At 
last  he  managed  to  pass  away  the  whole  of  his  immense 
estate,  except  the  old  house,  the  burial-ground,  and 
about  a  thousand  acres  more.  Tradition  tells  the  story 
on  this  wise :  That  Mr.  Wood  had  long  been  urged  to 
sell,  but  had  an  unconquerable  dislike  to  do  so.  A 
friend  of  his,  however,  living  in  Camden  and  Philadel 
phia,  induced  him  to  grant  a  lease  of  his  estate  for 
ninety-nine  years ;  and  Wood,  persuaded  that  the  fish 
eries  were  less  laborious  than  farming,  and  far  more 
profitable,  agreed,  and  signed  the  instrument.  All  was 
conveyed,  but  what  we  have  excepted,  for  several  miles 
along  the  river,  including  the  site  of  Camden,  a  property 
now  worth  many  millions. 

Well,  this  lease  has  disappeared ;  lost,  stolen,  or  de 
stroyed,  no  one  knows  what,  but  at  any  rate  gone  from 
human  sight  altogether.  The  older  members  of  the 
family  have  employed  lawyers  and  antiquarians,  have 
instituted  careful  researches,  but  without  effect,  and  in 
spite  of  the  belief  of  all  the  descendants  of  Henry 
Wood,  that  the  paper  was  a  lease  and  no  other  thing, 


SI 

the  splendid  property  is  lost  to  them  for  want  of  written 
evidence,  and  must  remain  in  the  hands  of  those  who 
hold  it  now. 

So  Benjamin  "Wood  went  on  driving  his  trade  in  fish 
with  his  Philadelphian  brethren,  and  cultivating  his 
thousand  acres  at  Peashore  until,  in  1713,  he  was  peace 
ably  gathered  to  his  fathers. 

Three  sons  outlived  him — Henry,  Benjamin,  and  Isaac, 
of  whom  the  second  died  in  youth  and  childless.  Isaac 
moved  nine  miles  down  the  river,  and  founded  there  a 
little  separate  colony,  which  soon  became  a  town,  and 
which  commemorates  his  enterprise  and  bears  his  name 
to  this  day — it  is  the  town  of  Woodbury,  in  New-Jer 
sey,  although  then  it  formed  a  portion  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vanian  grant. 

Isaac,  too,  died  childless,  for  his  two  sons  preceded 
him  in  death,  and  Henry  was  left  to  perpetuate  the 
family  and  keep  the  name  of  the  old  pioneer  in  the 
memories  of  men.  He  did  both  admirably,  for  he  had 
seven  children  and  his  grandsire's  character. 

He  was  a  quiet,  placid  man,  an  inveterate,  calm,  ob 
stinate  disciple  of  George  Fox,  a  Quaker  according  to 
.the  strictest  sect  of  that  peculiar  religion ;  stuck  to  broad 
skirts  and  brims ;  combed  the  curls  out  of  his  hair  ;  used 
the  second  person  singular  in  conversation,  instead  of 
following  the  example  of  what  is  called  polite  society ; 
was  benevolent,  and  good,  and  kind,  and  probably,  as 
is  the  wont  of  that  sect  to-day,  had  his  plain  coat  made 
of  the  finest  possible  cloth,  of  the  most  exquisite  possi 
ble  shade.  He  lived  at  Peashore,  wore  his  distinctive 
garments,  was  gentle  and  friendly  to  all  his  neighbors, 


32  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

did  his  duty,  never  had  his  tongue  bored  through  with 
a  hot  iron,  and  went  away  finally  about  the  year  of  God 
seventeen-seventy,  to  receive  such  reward  as  his  Maker 
had  in  store  for  him. 


CHAPTER      IV. 

THE  WAR  OP  INDEPENDENCE — FIGHTING   QUAKERS — MATERNAL  ANCESTRY 
— IMMEDIATE   FAMILY   OF   FERNANDO    WOOD. 

THEN  Henry,  his  son,  succeeded  him.  And  he, 
too,  cultivated  Peashore  and  went  in  the  way  of  his 
fathers — at  least,  in  all  points  but  one.  Although  a 
Quaker,  and  having  by  inheritance  and  conviction  the 
horror  of  warfare  for  which  that  sect  is  distinguished, 
yet  when,  in  1776,  the  country  was  aroused  to  assert  its 
independence  of  Great  Britain,  he  did  as  others  of  his 
co-religionists  did,  girded  his  loins  and  went  out  as  a 
man  of  war.  Doubtless  he  remembered  the  wrongs 
which  his  people  had  suffered  from  persecuting  England, 
his  great-grandfather's  exile  and  long,  lonely  sojourn  in 
the  western  wilderness ;  doubtless,  too,  a  pure  patriotism 
was  his  chief  influence  and  inducement ;  and  perhaps 
we  may  venture  to  suggest  that  under  that  plain  drab 
coat  there  lingered  still  a  little  of  the  old  Adam. 

There  was  room  enough  in  him  to  hold  all  these 
motives,  for  though  only  eighteen  years  old,  he  held  his 
stalwart  figure  erect,  was  over  six  feet  in  height,  and 
weighed  two  hundred  pounds.  An  ugly  customer  to 


34  BIOGEAPHT  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

cross,  with  that  inherited  persistent  will  of  his,  Quaker 
though,  he  were. 

There  were  giants  on  the  earth  in  those  days,  for  in  the 
whole  troop  which  he  raised  and  commanded,  no  soldier 
was  under  six  feet.  So,  with  these  stout  fellows  behind 
him,  Henry  Wood  set  up  for  a  soldier,  keeping  at  first 
about  the  neighborhood  of  his  home.  At  last  came  the 
battle  of  Grermantown,  fought  in  that  suburb,  on  the 
4th  day  of  October,  1777,  whereat  our  young  captain, 
riding  at  the  head  of  his  men,  received  a  severe  wound, 
which  did  not,  however,  disable  him  from  further  war 
fare  ;  but  he  went  on  fighting  for  his  native  land,  and 
was  turned  out  of  meeting  by  his  brethren  in  conse 
quence. 

His  elder  brother,  Isaac,  participated  in  the  general 
feeling,  and  helped  the  cause  of  independence  forward, 
both  with  tongue  and  purse,  rousing  the  farmers  with 
one,  and  supplying  the  sinews  of  war  with  the  other. 
The  other  children  were  then  too  young  for  such 
service. 

But  if  the  long  war  of  the  Eevolution  resulted  in  the 
complete  independence  of  the  colonies  and  the  formation 
of  the  United  States,  it  also  brought  Henry  Wood  to  the 
verge  of  pecuniary  ruin.  His  constant  martial  activity 
of  course  prevented  him  from  giving  proper  attention  to 
his  farm:  his  family  was  very  large,  eight  boys  and 
three  girls,  to  be  provided  for,  so  that  with  much  going 
out,  and  nothing  coming  in,  debts  began  to  accumulate 
and  creditors  to  press  for  payment.  Bit  after  bit  of  the 
lands  of  Peashore  had  to  be  sold  to  satisfy  these  de 
mands;  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century, 


THE   WAR   OF   INDEPENDENCE.  55 

there  was  little  left  to  Henry  Wood  but  the  old  God's 
acre,  where  he  too  expected  to  be  one  day  quietly  at 
rest. 

Of  his  large  family,  we  have  little  to  say.  Two  sons, 
Joseph  and  Henry,  men  of  wealth  and  high  respectabil 
ity,  still  live  at  Trenton,  in  New-Jersey ;  the  daughters 
married  well,  and  all  appear  to  have  maintained  the 
worthy  and  firm  character  derived  from  the  old  man, 
whose  sloop  first  came  to  Peashore.  Only  of  one  have 
we  something  more  particular  to  say. 

Benjamin  Wood,  father  of  the  present  Mayor,  was 
born  on  the  15th  of  February,  1784,  and  at  an  early 
age  quitted  the  Delaware  home,  at  Peashore,  to  go 
and  learn  how  to  be  a  wholesale  dry-goods  merchant,  in 
the  city  of  brotherly  love.  We  dare  say  he  acquitted 
himself  as  well  in  this  peaceable  calling,  as  his  father 
had  in  battling ;  at  any  rate,  he  took  to  early  independ 
ence,  and  at  the  age  of  twenty -two,  with  the  aid  of  such 
capital  as  the  old  soldier  could  give  him — not  much,  we 
suppose — he  started  in  trade  for  himself;  his  father,  how 
ever,  retaining  some  interest  in  the  business. 

Next  year,  on  January  6,  the  young  man  married, 
and  five  years  afterwards,  Fernando  was  born.  The 
father  continued  business  in  Philadelphia,  subject  to  the 
varied  chances  of  trade.  During  the  war  of  1812  to 
1815  his  success  was  brilliantly  steadfast,  :;at  peace,  that 
brought  good  to  all  others,  brought  distress  to  him.  A 
very  large  stock  of  goods,  then  in  his  store, 'depreciated 
very  much  and  suddenly  in  value,  and  the  result  was 
bankruptcy. 

However,  he  cleared  away  the  wreck  as  best  he  might, 


36  BIOGKAPHY   OF  FEKNAJSTDO  WOOD. 

and,  though  his  health  was  broken  and  his  strength  im 
paired,  he  hoped,  and  waited,  and  showed  the  onward 
determined  will  which  characterized  his  family.  His 
health  demanded  an  absolute  change  of  climate,  and  so 
he  took  his  wife  and  little  ones,  six  in  number  at  the 
time,  and  started  on  a  southern  tour.  First  to  Ken 
tucky,  and  then  down  the  Ohio  and  the  turbulent,  huge 
Mississippi  to  New-Orleans.  From  New-Orleans  he 
went  to  the  Havana,  and  thence,  with  recruited  ener 
gies,  back  northward  to  settle  permanently,  in  1821,  in 
this  city  of  New- York,  and  re-commence  business  as  a 
merchant. 

"We  have  seen  the  warlike  Quaker  father  expelled 
from  that  peaceable  sect  for  his  martial  tendencies,  and 
the  children,  it  would  appear,  have*  not  returned  to  its 
communion.  Mr.  Benjamin  "Wood  was  an  elder,  with 
Colonel  Eutgers  and  William  B.  Crosby,  in  the  Market- 
street  Presbyterian  Church,  and  so  remained  until  the 
extreme  severity  of  the  winter  of  1882  drove  him  south 
ward  in  search  of  a  more  genial  climate.  He  found  it 
at  Charleston,  South-Carolina,  but  it  could  not  restore 
him  to  health.  He  lingered  there  till  the  month  of  No 
vember,  and  then  died. 

Old  residents  of  New- York  remember  him  well,  and 
speak  freely  of  his  virtues,  and  of  certain  characteristics 
of  his,  the  development  of  which  in  the  Mayor  of  New- 
York  have  much  interested  the  public.  They  speak  of 
his  kindness  of  heart ;  his  integrity  in  business ;  his  abso 
lute  onward-going  where  duty  or  supposed  duty  called 
him;  his  self-reliance;  his  steadfast  will;  his  great  in 
dustry,  and  immense  endurance. 


THE  WAK  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  37 

"We  have  done  now  with  Mr.  Wood's  paternal  ances 
try,  and  have  a  word  or  two  to  say  of  his  excellent 
mother,  who"  now  lives  in  good  health  with  her  distin 
guished  son.  Her  grandfather,  General  Lehman,  was  a 
gallant  officer  of  the  famous  ten  years'  war  in  Germany, 
where  he  served  from  1740  to  1750,  with  distinction. 
The  son  of  this  gentleman,  Henry  Lehman,  was  born  in 
the  free  town  of  Hamburgh,  1745,  immigrated  to  Ame 
rica  before  the  war  of  the  Eevolution,  and  settled  in 
Gloucester  county,  a  few  miles  below  Woodbury. 

Oddly,  enough,  here  was  another  warlike  Quaker, 
who  did  precisely  as  Henry  "Wood  had  done ;  took 
off  the  drab  coat,  and  put  on  the  gold-laced  blue; 
served  through  the  whole  war,  got  turned  out  of  meet 
ing,  was  an  officer  in  the  same  battle  of  Germantown, 
and  got  shot  through  both  cheeks  by  a  British  bullet, 
which  cut  off  a  slice  of  his  tongue,  and  carried  away 
several  of  his  teeth  on  its  swift  road  through. 

Kebecca,  his  daughter,  had  been  a  schoolmate  of 
young  Benjamin  Wood,  had  grown  up  with  him,  was  his 
child  sweetheart  in  their  earlier  days,  and  the  faithful, 
affectionate  wife  of  his  manhood.  There  was  good  sol 
dier  blood  in  her  too.  She  could  follow  her  husband 
cheerfully  through  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  and  Havana, 
and  when  the  time  came  for  showing  more  absolute,  per 
sonal,  and,  in  a  woman,  unexpected  courage,  she  was  not 
found  wanting. 

Some  time  before  her  husband's  death,  during  his  ab 
sence  from  the  house,  Mrs.  Wood  had  gone  into  her 
next  door  neighbor's  for  some  purpose,  leaving  a  servant 
sitting  at  the  open  door.  But  while  the  mistress  was 


38  BIOGEAPHY   OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD 

absent,  the  servant  disappeared,  and,  the  door  being  left 
invitingly  open,  a  big  negro  walked  in  and  began  to 
investigate  the  contents  of  the  house  with'  an  ultimate 
view  to  the  personal  appropriation  of  any  portable  arti 
cles  of  value  that  he  might  discover. 

On  her  return,  the  lady  found  no  servant,  but  the 
door  still  open,  and  the  hall  lamp  extinguished.  Her 
children,  sleeping  above,  first  occupied  her,  and  she 
moved  upstairwards,  until  she  found  her  path  obstructed 
by  the  said  big  negro.  To  her  demand  of  what  he 
wanted  there,  he  made  no  answer,  but  only  tried  to 
push  past  her.  She  seized  the  fellow,  uttering  this  gen 
tle  admonition :  "If  you  move  an  inch,  I'll  blow  your 
brains  out !"  and  called  for  lights.  The  servant  came 
from  below  stairs  with  a  candle,  and  discovered  the 
darkey  with  his  arms  full  of  property.  Her  cries 
brought  the  watch,  and  Sambo,  stripped  of  his  ill-gotten 
goods,  was  hospitably  entertained  by  the  municipal  gov 
ernment.  Mrs.  Wood  of  course  had  no  pistol  wherewith 
to  accomplish  her  threat,  and  one  blow  from  the  fellow's 
fist  would  have  stunned  her. 

But  she  could  do  more  than  this  if  it  were  needed : 
she  could  and  did  fight  side  by  side  with  her  husband. 
They  were  at  Edenton,  North-Carolina,  in  the  year  1811, 
during  an  insurrection  of  the  slaves  there.  The  pro 
prietor  of  the  house  in  which  they  were  staying  was 
obnoxious  to  the  negroes,  and  they  had  determined  to 
destroy  him  and  all  the  inmates  of  the  house.  But 
these  latter  were  prepared,  and  at  the  first  noise  near 
their  room,  Mr.  "Wood,  well  armed,  came  out,  followed 
by  his  wife,  also  armed.  They  were  instantly  attacked 


THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  89 

by  four  negroes,  with  clubs,  but  the  battle  was  short,  for 
Mr.  Wood  shot  two  of  the  assassins,  while  his  wife  felled 
the  others  to  the  ground. 

In  her  twenty -five  years  of  wedlock,  Mrs.  Wood  re 
mained  the  friend,  consoler,  companion  of  her  husband. 
She  bore  him  seven  children — five  sons  and  two  daugh 
ters — and  now  resides  with  her  son  Fernando,  vigorous 
in  body  and  in  mind. 

J 

The  eldest  son,  Maundred,  went  early  in  life  to  Texas, 
while  that  State  was  still  a  province  of  the  Mexican  Ee- 
public.  He  took  part  in  the  revolution  there,  and  was 
present  at  the  storming  of  the  Alamo,  and  with  General 
Houston  at  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  After  the  inde 
pendence  of  Texas  was  established,  he  served  in  several 
positions  of  distinction,  and  died  there.  The  other 
children  reside  in  New- York  city,  except  Adolphus,  a 
physician  of  some  distinction,  living  in  Missouri. 


CHAPTEB     V. 

BIRTH   AND  CHILDHOOD   OF    THE  MAYOR — EARLY  INDEPENDENCE  AND 
ENERGY — ADVENTURES  AND  ANECDOTES. 

FKOM  such  a  stock  there  is  descended  the  subject  of 
these  memoirs,  Fernando  Wood,  now  Mayor  of  the  City 
of  New- York.  In  his  veins  flows  the  blood  of  the 
peaceful  yet  sturdy  Quaker,  who  could  suffer  for 
conscience'  sake  with  fortitude,  but  could  not  renounce 
his  faith ;  at  once  a  non-combatant  Friend  and  a  stal 
wart  pioneer  in  the  wilderness  of  the  Delaware.  In  the 
same  veins  flows  the  blood  of  that  Newport  exile's 
peaceful  descendants,  whose  calm  agricultural  lives 
passed  away  tranquilly  at  Peashore ;  the  blood  of  the 
patriot  soldier  who  disobeyed  his  religion  for  his 
country;  the  blood  of  the  stout  comrade  of  Tilly  or 
Wallenstein ;  and  of  the  two  who,  leading  tranquil 
burgess  lives,  showed,  when  occasion  required,  the  per 
sonal  courage,  the  onwardness,  the  firm  perseverant 
will  and  powers  of  endurance  which  render  their  son 
so  eminent. 

Fernando  Wood  was  born  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 
on  the  14th  day  of  June,  1812,  the  day  upon  which  the 
cabinet  council  decided  to  declare  war  against  Great 


BIRTH  AND   CHILDHOOD  OF  THE   MAYOE.  41 

Britain  for  the  second  time.  It  is  said  that  he  took  this 
first  important  step  somewhat  as  General  Jackson  re 
moved  the  deposites  of  the  United  States  Bank — on  his 
own  responsibility ;  for  the  accoucheur  who  was  sent 
for  found  upon  his  arrival  that  his  services  were  no 
longer  required,  his  client  having  entered  the  world 
without  his  assistance  and  in  promising  health. 

It  is  recorded  that  when  he  had  reached  the  a,ge  of 
twelve  months  he  was  visited  with  a  severe  illness.  The 
father,  whose  own  parents  had  renounced  Quakerism, 
had  as  yet  professed  no  other  creed.  But  when  the 
physicians  told  him  that  the  limits  of  their  skill  had 
been  obtained,  and  that  they  could  do  no  more,  he  fell 
upon  his  knees,  and  with  tears  plead  to  God  for  the  life 
of  his  child.  And  God  heard  his  prayer,  and  in  His 
pity  granted  it. 

Henry,  and  Isaac,  and  Zachariah,  and  Benjamin,  had 
been  the  simple  prenomina  of  his  ancestors.  But  his 
mother  had  been  reading  the  Three  Spaniards,  one  of 
those  blood  and  thunder,  chain-clanking,  subterranean 
galleried  mysterious  novels,  brought  into  vogue  by 
Horace  Walpole's  Castle  of  Otranto,  and  Mrs.  Anne 
Radcliffe's  ditto  of  Udolpho.  Now  one  Fernando  was 
the  hero  of  this  famous  book,  a  notable  fellow,  no  doubt, 
at  any  rate  much  admired  by  Mrs.  Wood,  who,  for  such 
admiration's  sake  bestowed  his  name  upon  her  son. 

He  learned  to  walk  and  read  nearly  without  instruc 
tion  ;  indeed,  had  very  little  care  ever  taken  of  his  edu 
cation  except  what  he  took  himself.  In  1820,  the  boy 
being  eight  years  old,  was  sent  to  a  class  taught  by  Mr. 
James  Shea,  well  and  respectfully  remembered  as 


42  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO   WOOD. 

the  competent  mathematical  master  in  the  grammar 
school  of  Columbia  College,  as  well  as  at  the  head  of 
his  own  academy.  At  the  age  of  thirteen,  however,  his 
father  being  absent  in  the  South  because  of  ill  health, 
the  boy  fancied  his  education  finished,  and  formed  a 
strong  desire  to  go  out  into  the  world  and  thus  early  to 
begin  the  battle  of  life. 

He  disclosed  his  desires  for  independence  to  his 
mother,  and  she,  for  jest's  sake,  agreed,  supposing  it  to 
be  a  youngster's  notion  of  which  he  would  soon  be  tired. 
Such  was,  however,  not  the  case,  for  he  started  off  at 
once,  and,  borrowing  a  newspaper  at  the  nearest  grocer's, 
began  to  study  the  column  of  "  wants,"  wherein  he  dis 
covered  that  Mr.  Brewster,  keeper  of  an  exchange  office, 
wanted  a  boy.  From  the  grocer's  he  went  to  the 
broker's,  and  was  then  and  there  by  him  engaged  at  the 
salary  of  two  dollars  per  week.  Here  he  was,  then,  a 
clerk  ;  but  not  yet,  as  he  thought,  independent.  There 
was  a  large  family  at  home,  the  father  was  an  invalid 
from  rheumatism,  and  he  desired  to  be  absolutely  his 
own  bread-giver  and  master,  to  buy  his  own  clothing, 
provide  for  his  own  lodging. 

After  much  natural  maternal  opposition,  Fernando's 
will  prevailed;  the  mother  of  a  young  friend  of  his, 
Ketcham  by  name,  and  dwelling  at  that  time  in  Oliver 
street,  undertook  to  give  him  what  he  sought  for  one 
dollar  and  fifty  cents  per  week.  It  was  little  less  than 
his  present  salary ;  but  he  had  faith  in  himself  and  in 
indomitable,  persevering  industry,  and,  taking  what 
wardrobe  he  possessed,  bade  adieu  to  the  mother  and 
sisters,  and  went  to  Mrs.  Ketcham  as  a  boarder. 


EARLY  INDEPENDENCE.  43 

At  eight  o'clock  next  morning  he  was  punctually  at 
his  post,  and  ever  since  has  supported  himself,  and  of 
later  years  aided  also  that  good,  intelligent  mother  of  his. 
Mr.  Brewster  is  now  a  wealthy  citizen,  as  well  as  his 
former  little  clerk,  his  present  Chief  Magistrate.  After 
some  months'  service  the  stipend  was  advanced  to  three 
dollars  and  a  half;  and  then  an  exchange  broker,  Mr. 
Betts,  offering  five  dollars  for  the  youngster,  Mr.  Brew- 
ster  lost  him ;  but  his  chances  for  paying  tailor's  bills 
and  such  like  evils  were  considerably  better  now  than 
when  the  board  and  lodging  cost  seventy-five  dollars 
and  the  salary  was  a  hundred  and  two. 

When  about  seventeen^  years  old,  he  was  sent  to  Har- 
risburgh,  Virginia,  on  some  business,  and  he  remained 
there  during  the  session  of  the  Legislature  of  1829.     On 
returning  one  evening  to  his  hotel,  he  found  in  the 
reading-room  a  number  of  law-makers,  among  whom 
was  an  important  and  distinguished  senator,  and  all  of 
whom  were  in  a  high  state  of  excitement.     It  was  be 
fore  the  passage  of  the  Prohibitory  Liquor  Law.     The 
distinguished  senator,  in  the  course  of  his  excitement, 
found  it  necessary  to  his  comfort  to  make  an  insulting 
remark  to  young  "Wood,  who  replied  with  what  degree 
of  fierce  tartness  was  given  to  him  at  the  moment.    The 
distinguished  senator,  finding  no  crushing  witticism  at 
his  tongue's  end,  drew  his  bowie-knife  and  advanced  to 
immolate  the  boy  ;  but  he,  nothing  daunted,  and  being  a 
stout  fellow  of  his  years,  picked  up  a  chair,  and  when 
the  proper  time  came  knocked  the  distinguished  senator 
down.     For  this  he  was  arrested  and  slept  that  night  in 
prison ;  but '  early  in  the  morning  he  was,  without  in- 


44  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

vestigation,    released    by  the    distinguished    senator's 
friends. 

On  his  way,  about  this  time,  from  Harrisburgh  to 
Lancaster,  he  found  in  the  stage-coach  an  old  gentleman 
and  three  young  girls,  to  all  of  whom  he  shortly  had  an 
opportunity  of  displaying  his  coolness  and  energy.  For 
the  horses  became  frightened  and  ran  away ;  the  coach 
man  was  toppled  from  his  box,  and  matters  might  have 
gone  badly  for  the  old  gentleman  and  the  young  girls  if 
Wood  had  not  gotten  out  of  the  window,  made  his  way 
to  the  seat,  secured  the  reins,  and  gradually  stopped  the 
horses. 

So,  his  business  in  Pennsylvania  being  brought  to  an 
end,  he  started  for  his  home  in  New- York.  He  had 
begun  to  smoke  at  thirteen  years  of  age,  and  as  is  the 
custom  among  youthful  New- York,  the  habit  had  attain 
ed  to  a  precocious  inveteracy.  Now,  leaning  over  the 
rail  of  the  Philadelphia  steamboat,  enjoying  his  cigar, 
about  the  twentieth  for  that  day,  he  was  accosted  by  a 
benevolent-looking  old  Quaker. 

"  Friend,  thee  smokes  a  good  deal,"  quoth  Broadbrim. 

"'Yes,"  Fernando  confessed  he  did. 

"  Well,  don't  thee  smoke  any  more." 

"  I  wont,"  was  the  reply ;  the  half-smoked  cigar  was 
committed  to  the  deep,  and  a  resolution  formed  which 
has  never  since  been  broken. 

Before  this  year  of  his  life  was  out  he  went  one  even 
ing,  as  was  the  wont  of  youth  at  the  period,  to  the 
Chatham  Theatre,  and  on  coming  out  and  going  home 
wards,  he  perceived  or  fancied  that  he  was  followed. 
He  increased  his  pace  and  the  pursuer  did  the  same,  till 


ADVENTURES  AND  ANECDOTES.  45 

Wood  turned  down  Lumber  street,  a  gloomy  place, 
flanked  with  huge  piles  of  boards  and  other  timber,  and 
not  abounding  in  houses.  The  pace  of  the  individual 
behind  was  quickened  and  he  had  nearly  reached  Fer 
nando,  when  the  latter  turned,  and  presenting  suddenly 
the  puffed-out  finger  of  a  dark  buckskin  glove,  said, 
with  whatever  stern  emphasis  he  could  command : 

"Follow  me  one  step  further,  and  I  will  blow  your 
brains  out." 

The  person  addressed  denied  any  hostile  intentions, 
but  at  the  same  time  took  another  way. 

Soon  after  he  was  sent  to  Eichmond  to  take  charge  of 
a  large  tobacco  factory  in  that  city,  and  was  there 
smitten  with  a  violent  sock  and  buskin  mania,  which 
endured  some  months.  Not  many,  however,  for  after 
the  lapse  of  nine,  he  returned  to  New- York,  and  in  June, 
1832,  started  for  himself  as  a  tobacco  dealer  in  Pearl 
street. 

It  was  the  year  when  for  the  first  time  the  awful 
cholera  made  its  appearance  among  us,  and  the  city  was 
struck  aghast  at  its  merciless  ravages.  From  the  thickly 
populated  down  town  districts  the  merchants  fled  in 
terror.  Wood's  store  was  the  only  one  in  the  neigh 
borhood  kept  open,  and  he  was  enabled  to  do,  and  did 
good  and  kind  service  to  the  sick  and  the  dying  of  the 
vicinity. 

He  began  to  think  and  talk  of  politics  now-a-days, 
being  a  warm  admirer  of  General  Jackson.  He  wrote, 
too,  for  the  press,  among  other  things  one  which  attract 
ed  much  notice  at  the  time,  a  review  of  South-Carolinian 
Governor  Haynes'  message  in  favor  of  Nullification. 


46  BIOGKAPHY   OF   FERNANDO   WOOD. 

He  formed  the  friendship  of  the  late  William  Leggett, 
retained  it  throughout  the  life  of  the  latter,  and  proved 
it  to  his  memory  by  projecting  and  liberally  contribut 
ing  towards  the  monument  over  his  remains  at  New- 
Eochelle. 

But  politics  is  not  precisely  the  most  lucrative  interest 
which  a  young  merchant  has  ;  he  lost  time  and  therefore 
money,  so  that  in  1835,  he  was  obliged  to  leave  oil 
business  for  himself  and  become  a  clerk  again.  This 
time  he  went  to  Francis  Secor,  in  West  street,  and 
served  him.  Industry  got  money,  and  prudence  saved 
it,  so  that  next  yearr  with  some  help  of  friends,  he  was 
able  to  begin  again  as  grocer,  on  the  corner  of  Kector 
and  Washington  streets.  Here  he  was  very  successful, 
coming  by  1838  to  be  owner  of  two  or  three  vessels, 
and  then  he  reached  his  twenty-eighth  year  and  was 
elected  in  1840  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  in 
one  of  the  most  heated  political  contests  this  city  has 
ever  witnessed — the  season  of  log-cabins,  hard  cider,  and 
politics  put  into  rhyme  and  sung  to  ancient  tunes. 
Never,  perhaps,  were  the  Democrats  so  hard  pushed, 
and  the  fact  of  his  election  testifies  alike  to  the  esteem 
in  which  he  was  held,  and  to  that  merit  of  his  which 
had  gained  it. 


CHAPTER     VI. 

CIGAR-MAKING  —  CONGRESS,    AND   SPEECHES   THERE    DELIVERED  —  HENRY 
CLAY   AND   THE   EX-CIGAR-3IAKER — POOR  BLUMBERG. 

MR.  WOOD  lias  ever  shown  an  inveterate  dislike  to 
any  thing  like  despondency,  self-distrust,  or  doubt  of 
his  own  future.  During  the  period  of  his  first  reverses 
in  business,  instead  of  waiting,  like  Mr.  Micawber,  for 
something  to  turn  up,  he  himself  turned  up  something ; 
no  matter  what,  he  thought,  so  it  were  work,  were  in 
dustry,  were  resolute  self-maintenance.  He  retired  for 
a  while  into  Division  street,  and  became  a  journeyman 
cigar-maker — for  small  enough  wages,  we  may  be  sure. 
E"o  matter ;  small  as  they  were,  he  lived  on  them  in 
sturdy  independence,  and  learned  another  bit  of  know 
ledge — how  to  make  cierars  for  other  men  to  smoke : 

O  O  / 

for  himself,  he  smoked  none.     Friend  Broadbrim  had 
cured  him  of  that. 

So  the  cigar-maker  helped  himself  out  of  that  position, 
and  in  his  twenty-eighth  year  went  off  to  Congress  to 
see  what  there  was  for  him  to  do  there.  It  was  a  me 
morable  Congress  that  of  1840,  both  because  of  the 
importance  of  the  questions  debated  and  settled  there,  as 
because  of  the  mighty  men  engaged  in  such  debatings. 
There  were  giants  on  the  earth  in  those  days,  and  in  that 


48  BIOGRAPHY  OF   FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

Congress,  an  extra  session  called  by  President  Harrison, 
there  were  Henry  Clay,  and  Eufus  Choate,  and  that 
human  pine-knot  John  C.  Calhoun ;  there  were  Benton 
and  Buchanan,  Woodbury  and  Silas  Wright,  Eobert 
J.  "Walker  and  Wm.  C.  Eives.  These  men  adorned  the 
Senate  chamber ;  while  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives, 
sat,  or  stood  to  speak,  old  John  Quincy  Adams,  Caleb 
Gushing,  Millard  Fillmore,  H.  A.  Wise,  J.  P.  Kennedy, 
Dixon  H.  Lewis,  E.  M.  T.  Hunter,  and  others,  all  men 
of  renown. 

They  had  the  United  States  Bank  to  talk  about,  and 
the  vexed  and  vexatious  tariff  question.  They  must 
decide  upon  the  distribution  of  public  lands,  and  make 
a  law  about  bankruptcy. 

Wood,  young  as  he  was,  must  have  his  share  in  all 
this;  for  he  was  sent  thither  to  that  intent.  So  when 
he  had  something  to  say,  he  rose  and  said  it  in  a  manly 
and  modest  manner,  and  then  was  quiet  again.  He 
spoke  upon  the  Fiscal  Bank  of  the  United  States ;  the 
operation  of  the  Tariff  Laws  ;  the  Navy  Appropriation 
Bill ;  and  drew  up  the  report  upon  the  Naval  Dry  and 
Floating  Docks. 

When  the  Americans  who  had  taken  part  in  the  Ca 
nadian  insurrection  of  1837-8  were  caught,  and  sent  to 
expiate  their  acts  off  to  Van  Diemen's  Land,  Mr.  Wood 
was  their  earnest  advocate  in  Congress ;  pressing  ur 
gently  upon  that  body  the  necessity  of  procuring  their 
release.  On  this  occasion,  he  had  the  honor  of  crossing 
swords  with  that  veteran  forensic  warrior,  ex-President 
'John  Quincy  Adams.  He  also  tried  to  get  the  U.  S. 
Consuls  classified  according  to  the  importance  and  the 


CIGAK-MAKING — CONGRESS.  49 

difficulties  of  their  stations;  and  wisely  purposed  to 
make  them  salaried  officers,  since  some  get  fees  enough, 
to  live  in  splendor,  and  others,  like  our  late  Consul  to 
Venice,  not  quite  enough  to  pay  for  the  painting  of  coat 
armor  suitable  to  the  dignity  of  this  Republic. 

Another  thing  he  did  of  great  importance.  He  was 
the  advocate  of  the  greatest  step  that  progressive  science 
has  taken  in  our  day — the  Electric  Telegraph.  He  in 
troduced  the  claims  of  Mr.  Morse  to  Congress,  and 
strongly  urged  that  body  to  make  an  appropriation  for 
the  experiment.  The  Professor  wanted  to  run  his  wires 
along  the  railway  track  from  Baltimore  to  Washington; 
but  Congress  was  unbelieving  and  could  not  be  per 
suaded.  Still,  Wood  fought  on.  If  he  could  not  get 
this  grant,  he  would  content  himself  with  a  lesser  one. 
He  was,  we  know,  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs ;  and  at  last,  for  his  importunity,  permission  was 
given  to  lay  the^ telegraphic  wires  from  the  committee- 
room  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  that  of  the 
Senate,  some  four  hundred  feet.  So  the  practicability 
of  conversing  by  the  aid  of  lightning  was  triumphantly 
proven ;  and  Fernando  Wood  won  and  wears  the  honor 
of  having  materially  aided  the  passage  of  the  act  which 
gave  to  the  world  Morse's  Electric  Telegraph. 

The  veteran  legislators  in  some  sort  made  a  pet  of  the 
young  Representative.  When  he  had  made  his  fiscal 
speech,  John  Quincy  Adams  grasped  him  by  the  hand, 
and  said:  "  Young  man,  when  I  am  gone,  you  will  be 
one  of  the  foremost  men  in  this  country." 

Well,  the  old  man  is  gone,  and  Clay,  and  Calhoun, 
3 


50  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

and  other  great  men  of  that  time ;  and  the  prophesy 
stands  fulfilled  to-day. 

And  here  for  a  while,  with  his  forensic  honors  thick 
tipon  him,  the  cigar -maker  reappears  for  a  moment  and 
then  passes  away  out  of  sight  up  to  this  date. 

Henry  Clay  was  particularly  fond  of  him;  took  a 
fancy  to  him  when  first  introduced,  and  never  lost  an 
opportunity  of  paying  him  personal  attentions.  Perhaps 
he  saw  some  spark  of  that  genius  in  the  young  man, 
which  so  abounded  in  himself.  Friends  used  to  say, 
indeed  still  say,  that  the  lower  portions  of  the  faces  of 
both  were  strongly  similar.  Be  that  as  it  may,  Clay 
loved  to  be  with  him,  to  walk  and  talk  with  him,  and 
to  be  kind  to  him. 

One  day,  the  two,  with  an  old  Philadelphian  friend 
of  Mr.  Clay,  were  going  down  broad  Pennsylvania 
avenue,  when  the  old  gentleman  desired  them  to  stop  in 
at  a  tobacconist's,  that  he  might  get  his  snuff-box  filled. 
The  three  went  in,  and  while  there,  "Wood  saw  through 
a  half-opened  door,  leading  into  a  back-shop,  four  men 
seated  at  tables,  at  a  work  which  he  too  understood,  but 
for  the  present  did  not  confess  his  knowledge  of. 

"  What,"  asked  he  of  the  shopkeeper,  "  are  those  men 
doing?" 

"Making  cigars,  sir,"  was  the  answer,  "will  you  go 
in,  Mr.  Clay,  and  see  them  at  their  work  ?" 

"  Certainly,"  said  the  Kentuckian,  and  the  trio  en 
tered. 

There  sat  four  artisans,  dampening  the  leaves  of  the 
fragrant  weed,  or  spreading  them  out, 'and  cutting  them. 
up  into  wrappers  with  minute  exactness  and  the  swift 


CIGAR-MAKING — CONGRESS.  51 

certainty  obtained  by  practice  ;  or  breaking  off  the  dry 
fillers  to  the  proper  length  ;  or  rolling  up  the  neat  cigar 
and  terminating  its  fabrication  with  a  twist  not  unsimilar 
to  an  involute  pig-tail.  Use  brings  rapidity.  From 
twelve  to  fifteen  hundred  in  a  day  have  been  rolled  up 
by  men  learned  in  that  art ;  yet  five  or  eight  hundred 
is  thought  a  good  day's  work. 

The  number  daily  accomplished  by  the  Washington- 
ian  fabricants  has  not  reached  posterity ;  but  they  were 
deft  enough  to  make  the  Mill-Boy  of  the  Slashes  say : 

"  How  very  skillfully  this  is  done  !  Who  would  have 
supposed  that  so  much  ingenuity  was  required  for  the 
making  of  a  cigar!" 

"  I  don't  see  any  art  in  it,"  said  Mr.  Wood ;  "  it  seems 
to  me  a  very  simple  matter ;  and  I  suspect  that  any  one 
can  do  quite  as  well." 

Clay  looked  at  him  and  said:  "  Young  man,  you  de 
ceive  yourself.  Long  years  of  patient  labor  are  required 
to  accomplish  what  these  men  here  are  doing  with  such 
apparent  ease.  It  requires  great  experience  to  be  able 
to  do  this." 

"  With  deference,  Mr.  Clay,"  said  Wood,  "  I  differ 
from  you.  There  can  be  no  art  nor  skill  required  to  do 
what  these  men  are  doing.  See  !  They  merely  cut  off 
a  piece  of  the  tobacco,  roll  some  of  the  dry  part  in  their 
hands,  then  wrap  it  up,  and  the  whole  thing  is  .done.  If 
this  is  the  process,  any  person  can  make  a  cigar." 

Clay  laughed.  But  the  shopkeeper  and  his  men 
looked  at  the  speaker  with  much  contempt  for  his  pre 
sumption  and  some  wonder  at  his  apparent  self-esteem. 

"If  you  think  any  one  can  make  a  cigar,"  said  Clay, 


52  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO   WOOD. 

"perhaps  you  had  better  try;"  and  he  swept  his  arm 
towards  the  table,  with  a  glance  at  the  proprietor. 

One  of  the  men  arose  with  a  premature  smile  for  the 
boaster's  coming  defeat,  who  sat  down,  saying : 

"  Well,  I  may  be  mistaken ;  but  as  I  really  do  think 
it  possible,  I  ivitt  try." 

So,  sitting  down,  he  took  the  knife  and  a  tobacco  leaf, 
and  with  a  dextrous  cut  prepared  his"  wrapper ;  then 
broke  the  filling  to  the  proper  size,  rolled  all  up  togeth 
er,  twisted  the  small,  symmetrical  pig-tail  at  the  end,  cut 
off  the  top,  and  handed  the  well-made  cigar  to  his  dis 
tinguished  fellow-legislator. 

Clay  was  amazed,  and  vented  his  surprise  in  numer 
ous  ejaculations.  The  shopkeeper  and  his  people  stared 
with  wonder  at  this  new  accomplishment  in  a  law-maker 
of  theirs.  As  for  Fernando  Wood,  he  kept  the  secret, 
and  the  joke  ran  the  rounds  of  Congress,  and  was  told 
at  the  expense  of  Henry  Clay. 

Apropos  of  cigar-making  cleverness,  our  Mayor's 
father,  who  had  a  manufactory  of  those  narcotic  delights, 
once  employed  a  little  Frenchman,  hight  Blumberg, 
who  could  roll  up  a  brace  of  thousands  in  a  day.  Now 
our  Mayor  loves  a  good  joke  or  story  as  well  as  other, 
lesser  folk,  and  the  present  writer  thinks  fit  to  re-produce 
in  this  place  a  tale  which  his  honor  tells  about  the  same 
poor  Blumberg. 

He  was  a  good  cigar-maker,  and  this  was  the  limit  of 
his  goodness.  As  a  general  rule,  even  his  virtues  leaned 
to  vice's  side ;  and  he  proceeded  through  life,  leaping 
from  one  scrape  to  another,  as  one  leaps  from  hussock 
to  hussock  in  crossing  a  bog.  In  his  last  jump,  he  took 


CIGAR-MAKING — CONGRESS.  53 

another  man's  horse  along  with  him — an  action,  we  are 
informed,  technically  known  as  horse-stealing.  From 
this  hussock  he  leaped  into  the  presence  of  the  majesty 
of  Justice. 

Even  here,  however,  the  poor  devil  had  friends. 
Awful  Justice  herself  was  not  indisposed,  in  this  case, 
to  be  tempered  by  mercy.  The  magistrate  asked  Blum- 
berg's  counsel  if  he  could  prove  a  hitherto  good  charac 
ter  for  his  client,  and  before  the  lawyer  could  reply,  the 
prisoner  cried  out : 

"  Yes,  sare,  very  best  charactere :  there  is  a  gentleman 
who  know  me  very  well,"  and  he  pointed  to  a  distin 
guished  citizen,  who  happened  to  be  present,  and  who 
was  instantly  placed  upon  the  stand  and  sworn. 

"  Sir,  do  you  know  Charles  Blumberg?" 

"  Yes,  sir." 

"  How  long  have  you  known  him  ?" 

"  More  than  twenty  years." 

"  Yes,  sare,"  burst  forth  the  impetuous  small  French 
man,  "  he  know  well  that  I  am  honest  man :  I  have  not 
steal  these  horse ;  he  knows  all  of  me ;  regard  that 
which  he  says  of  me." 

"Well,  sir,"  said  Justice,  "be  good  enough  to  state 
to  the  jury  what  you  do  know  about  the  prisoner." 

"  I  have  known  him,"  said  this  witness  for  the  pris 
oner,  "  I  have  known  him  for  many  years,  and  must 
say,  that  he  has  always  borne  the  character  of  a  thor 
oughly  graceless,  lazy,  dissipated  scamp,  who  has  never 
yet  hesitated  to  steal  any  thing  he  could  lay  his  hands 
on." 

The  small  Gaul  roared  with  rage,  leaped  up  in  the 


54:  BIOGRAPHY   OF  FERNANDO   WOOD. 

dock,  shook  his  fist  at  his  witness,  and  screamed,  "  You 
are  one  damn  liar :  you  know  me  not  at  all :  you  have 
never  at  all  seen  me,  nevare  !"  Then,  relapsing  in  de 
spair  to  his  seat,  he  continued  in  a  low  voice,  confiden 
tially  to  himself: 

"It  is  as  so;  when  one  commence  to  go  down  the 
hill,  every  body  give  to  him  a  kick,  by  damn  !" 

In  the  sequel  of  this  trial,  Mr.  Blumberg  appears  to 
have  been  supported  at  the  expense  of  his  adopted 
country,  during  a  period  of  five  years. 


CHAPTER      VII. 

MRS.    WOOD'S  FAMILY  —  AX   ADVENTURE   OX  THE  ISTHMUS,    AND   A  TRIP 
TO    SAX  FRAXCISCO. 

THERE  were  other  -worthy  Quakers  than  those  who 
bore  the  name  of  Wood.  That  particular  one  with 
whom  we  have  now  to  deal,  was  known  among  the 
faithful,  as  among  the  profane,  as  Samuel  Kichardson. 
He  had  left  his  English  home  probably  because  of  the 
intolerance  there  existing,  and  had  sought  a  fuller  con 
scientious  liberty  at  Port  Eoyal,  in  the  island  of  Jamaica. 

But  Jamaica  is  in  the  West-Indies,  and  that,  like 
other  tropical  regions,  is  at  times  subject  to  that  pecu 
liarly  unpleasant  phenomenon  the  earthquake.  About 
the  year  1692,  friend  Samuel,  being  with  his  co-reli 
gionists  in  meeting,  was  startled  by  the  heaving  and 
swaying  of  the  earth.  The  sea  roared  more  tumul- 
tuously  than  usual ;  the  houses  were  shaken  from  their 
firm  foundations,  and  toppled  ruinously  down.  The 
hills  seemed  riven  asunder,  and  when  the  people,  rush 
ing  from  the  building,  arrived  in  the  graveyard,  which 
surrounded  the  meeting-house,  they  may  well  have 
thought  that  the  day  of  the  Lord  had  come ;  for  even 
the  bands  of  the  grave  were  broken,  and  out  from 


66  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

» 

the  dust  wherein  their  bodies  had  been  laid  down  in 
hopes  of  resting  there  and  commingling  with  it,  they 
were  thrown,  as  by  an  unkind  mother ;  and  so,  those 
who  had  fled  from  religious  persecution  in  what  was 
called  their  mother  country,  found  even  sterner  unkind- 
ness  from  the  stepmother  whom  they  had  chosen. 

But  Samuel  Richardson,  and  as  many  of  his  brethren 
as  could  manage  it,  embarked,  as  best  they  might,  in  the 
brig  Swan  there  lying,  and,  steering  a  northerly  course, 
came,  with  the  help  of  God,  and  what  knowledge  the 
sailing-master  possessed,  to  the  colony  of  stout  William 
Penn,  settling  not  far  from  that  Peashore  of  which  we 
have  had  so  much  to  say  in  the  beginning  of  this  bio 
graphy,  arriving  there  some  thirty-six  or  seven  years  after 
the  adventurous  flight  of  Henry  Wood  from  "Newport, 
Rhode  Island."  Let  us  add,  that  scarcely  were  they 
embarked,  when  the  wild  sea  ingulfed  the  town. 

Samuel,  like  others,  purchased  several  thousand  acres, 
and  definitely,  at  last,  established  himself  upon  the  plea 
sant  river  Schuylkill,  some  twenty  miles  or  so  above 
the  city  of  Philadelphia,  he  and  his  wife,  and  his  now 
grown-up  son  and  daughter.  Here  he  resided,  a  promi 
nent  man ;  looked  up  to  by  other  colonists  in  that  coun 
try  ;  standing  with  inveterate  firmness  to  those  peaceful 
broadbrim  principles  of  his,  and  holding  fast  by  William 
Penn,  "  Proprietary  "  of  that  region. 

Even  on  his  arrival,  he  found  that  the  worthy  Proprie 
tary,  not  exempt  from  the  troubles  which  visit  other,  and 
non- Quaker  governors,  had  got  into  serious  difficulties 
with  his  colonists.  Samuel  Richardson,  like  a  loyal  man, 
stood  stoutly  by  the  Proprietary,  aided  him  in  his  diffi- 


MRS.   WOOD'S    FAMILY.  57 

culties,  with  what  help  his  quiet  good  common  sense 
and  some  earlier  experience  of  trouble,  earthquakes  in 
cluded,  he  could  bring  to  bear  upon  the  question.  So 
William  and  Samuel  became  fast  and  affectionate  friends, 
a  bond  tightened  by  their  official  relations  and  more 
closely  by  the  fact  that  their  children  married  into  the 
same  family — that  of  Aubrey. 

When  Penn  had  somewhat  stilled  the  turbulent 
waters,  he  went  to  England,  in  1701,  leaving  his  friend 
and  secretary,  James  Logan,  to  rule  the  colony.  In  one 
of  Logan's  letters  to  his  principal,  under  date  of  eighth 
month  27th,  1704,  he  gives  that  excellent  man  to  know 
that  the  Assembly  had  voted  him  an  address,  and  that 
such  address  was  signed  by  several  members  of  the  col 
ony,  namely,  by  David  Lloyd,  J.  Wilcox,  Is.  Norris, 
Jos.  Wood,  G.  Jones,  Anthony  Morris,  William  Biles, 
and  SAMUEL  RICHARDSON.  This  address  was  reported 
to  be  "  scurrilous  and  scandalous ;"  and  it  was  afterwards 
repudiated  by  Richardson,  who  it  seemed  had  unwisely 
signed  it  upon  a  merely  cursory  and  insufficient  view 
of  it. 

About  this  time,  Letitia  Penn,  the  great  Proprietary's 
daughter,  married  a  Philadelphian  merchant,  William 
Aubrey  by  name,  and  in  process  of  time  presented  her 
husband  with  a  daughter.  According  to  the  usual 
course  of  nature  this  infant  grew,  attained  maturity, 
and  married  Joseph,  only  son  of  Samuel  Richardson, 
the  immigrant  from  Port  Royal.  From  him  descended 
lineally  the  late  Hon.  Joseph  L.  Richardson,  of  Auburn, 
and  a  daughter  of  this  gentleman  is  the  wife  of  the  pre 
sent  Mayor.  Fernando  Wood  comes  by  two  lines  from 


58  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

the  first  Quaker  fugitives  from  persecution  to  this  coun 
try  ;  and  his  children,  through  their  mother,  trace  by  a 
third  line  to  the  same  source. 

It  was  during  his  honey-moon  that  Mr.  "Wood  made 
his  first  speech  in  Congress,  a  period  not  usually  consid 
ered  favorable  to  forensic  study,  nor  calculated  to  fur 
ther  interest  in  dry  fiscal  or  other  political  details. 
Fuller  remarks  with  reference  to  the  Congressional  ca 
reer  of  Fernando  Wood  will  more  appropriately  be 
found  in  another  part  of  this  memoir. 

"When  his  term  had  expired,  he  gave  up  politics,  and 
returned  to  commercial  pursuits,  as  shipping  and  com 
mission  merchant,  in  South  street.  This  was  in  1843, 
and  from  that  time  he  met  with  rapid  and  brilliant  suc 
cess  ;  and  in  1847,  he  found  himself  possessor  of  no  less 
than  eight  vessels.  In  September  of  the  next  year, 
1848,  he  received  from  Thomas  Larkin,  merchant,  news 
of  the  first  Californian  gold,  brought  to  this  country  by 
Lieutenant  Beale,  of  the  U.  S.  Army.  This  was  before 
the  close  of  the  war  and  the  cession  of  California  to  this 
Government.  However,  Mr.  Wood  immediately  fitted 
out  one  of  his  own  vessels,  the  bark  John  W.  Cator,  for 
San  Francisco,  where  she  arrived  the  first,  and  where 
her  cargo  was  sold  at  a  profit  so  immense,  that  her 
owner  felt  enabled  to  retire  from  business  finally.  He 
purchased  a  good  deal  of  real  estate  at  a  time  when  pro 
perty  was  low,  and  now  finds  it  quintupled  in  value. 

After  quitting  business,  Mr.  Wood  lived  in  retire 
ment,  applying  himself  to  study  with  that  resolute 
energy  which  is  characteristic  of  him,  so  to  supply  the 
defects  of  his  imperfect  early  education.  But,  in  1850, 


ADVENTURE  ON  THE   ISTHMUS.  59 

he  was  called  out  again  by  the  Democratic  party,  who 
gave  him  a  nomination  for  the  Mayoralty  of  this  city. 
He  was  not  elected  however  to  the  chief  magistracy. 

So  he  stuck  to  his  books,  only  once — in  1852 — quit 
ting  them  for  a  trip  to  the  gold  land.  While  going 
whither,  he  met  with  this  adventure. 

Prefatially,  however,  Mr.  Wood  had  exchanged  cer 
tain  property  of  his  in  New- York  for  a  tract  of  land  in 
the  city  of  San  Francisco,  the  largest  plot  of  ground 
belonging  to  any  one  man  there,  and  then  producing  a 
clear  annual  income  of  $30,000.  To  see  this,  lease  it, 
make  arrangements  for  its  management,  etc.,  was  his 
errand  in  that  place. 

In  those  days,  not  so  fabulously  long  ago,  there  were 
no  weekly  arrivals  and  departures  of  steamers,  as  at  this 
time ;  nor  a  fine  railway,  in  the  commodious  carriages 
of  which  the  Panamanian  Isthmus  might  be  crossed. 
Then  one  had  to  pole  up  the  muddy,  feverish  Chagres 
river  in  flat-boats,  manned  by  slightly-clad  half-breeds. 
And  this  from  Gorgona  was  succeeded  by  a  long  ride 
upon  mules,  down  gullies  and  torrent  beds,  over  impro 
vised,  insecure  bridges ;  through  thorny  bamboo  thick 
ets,  under  tall  oil-nut  palms.  One  or  more  rolls  in  the 
yellow  mud  were  usually  allotted  to  each  traveller.  So 
our  Mayor  went  on,  until  within  seme  thirteen  miles  of 
Panama. 

He  wanted  to  get  a  view  of  that  city,  of  its  magnifi 
cent  bay,  of  the  ruins  of  old  Panama,  destroyed  in  1670, 
by  Henry  Morgan  and  his  brutal  buccaneers.  So  he  rode 
on  before  the  others,  and  suddenly  his  mule,  diverging 
from  the  beaten  track,  plunged  into  the  dense  thicket, 


60  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

and" followed  a  scarcely  visible  path.  Her  rider  had 
been  told  by  more  experienced  men  than  he,  never  to 
contradict  his  mule:  that  she  would  never  leave  the 
beaten  track  except  for  some  sound  reason  suggested  by 
her  experience  and  cultivated  instinct.  Therefore  he 
followed  such  advice  as  he  had  received,  and  the  animal 
carried  him  about  a  mile  through  the  wood  to  a  clearing, 
wherein  stood  a  native  mud  and  bamboo  built  and  palm- 
thatched  house. 

At  the  door  of  this  establishment  stood  a  murderous- 
looking,  ugly  Jamaica  negro.  He  looked  loweringly  at 
the  traveller,  and  said : 

"  Caramla,  senor.     $  Que  quieres  aqui?" 

"  Do  you  not  speak  English?"  asked  Mr.  Wood. 

"  Yes,  sir,  very  well ;  come,  get  down,  and  take  some 
dinner."  So  speaking,  he  took  the  bridle  of  the  mule, 
and  fastened  it  to  a  post. 

Mr.  Wood  knew  the  character  of  the  Jamaica  negro ; 
avaricious,  distrustful,  utterly  indifferent  to  human  life, 
believing  all  Americans  to  be  slave-holders,  fearing  and 
therefore  hating  them.  He  was  far  from  hj^  fellow- 
travellers  ;  a  cry  for  help  would  have  awakened  an  echo 
in  the  tropic  forest  or  called  out  a  sneer  from  the  villain 
ous  nigger,  but  that  would  have  been  all.  Quick  escape 
upon  the  back  of  an  obstinate  mule  was  impossible,  so 
after  an  instant's  thought,  he  said : 

"  I  thank  you  for  your  invitation,  but  I  have  a  very 
large  party  of  friends  a  few  yards  from  here,  and  must 
rejoin  them.  One  man  there  is  banker  for  the  whole  of 
us,  and  we  must,  if  possible,  keep  near  him.  Besides, 
my  friend,  you  would  not  have  me  accept  your  hospi- 


ADVENTURE  ON  THE  ISTHMUS.  61 

tality  without  a  sixpence  in  my  pocket  to  remunerate 
you  for  it." 

This  upset  the  scoundrel's  hope  of  plunder,  and  there 
remained  now  only  his  animosity  against  Americans  to 
be  subdued. 

"I  am  sorry  to  decline  your  invitation,"  said  Mr. 
"Wood ;  "  because  I  observe  the  generous,  noble  English 
man  in  your  face.  You  can  not  be  a  native  of  the 
Isthmus.  Are  you  not  from  Jamaica,  whose  people  live 
under  the  Christian  and  liberal  rule  of  England  ?" 

The  scoundrel's  face  brightened.  This  skilful  ruse 
had  the  intended  effect.  He  returned  the  reins  to  the 
traveller,  and  said,  with  a  wave  of  the  hand:  "Adios, 
sejior.  Go  as  fast  as  you  can.  No  good  for  any  body 
to  stay  here  long." 

Mr.  Wood  then  set  his  will  against  that  of  the  mule, 
and  aided  by  a  plentiful  use  of  whip  and  spur,  he  in 
duced  that  intelligent  animal  to  obey  him,  and  thus 
regained  the  main  road.  Then  he  rode  on  and  entered 
Panama,  the  first  of  the  twelve  hundred  persons  who 
formed  the  emigration  on  that  occasion. 

He  remained  ten  days  in  San  Francisco,  arranged  his 
affairs,  and  found  himself  safe  again  in  New- York,  after 
an  absence  of  two  months  and  one  day. 

Then  back  to  his  studies  and  his  quiet  life,  until  called 
forth  in  1854,  by  his  fellow-citizens,  to  assume  the  chief 
magistracy  of  the  greatest  city  on  this  continent. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

CONGRESS  —  THE   FISCAL   SPEECH. 

WE  have  already  mentioned  Mr.  "Wood  in  Congress, 
the  names  of  some  of  the  illustrious  men  of  whom  that 
body  was  composed,  and  the  important  questions  there 
considered. 

Mr.  Wood  was  a  very  young  man,  only  twenty-eight 
years  of  ager,  and  unprepared  by  education  to  take  part 
in  debates  which  then  exercised  the  genius  of  Clay,  Cal- 
houn,  and  Adams.  Besides,  only  on  the  23d  of  April 
previous  he  had  married,  as  we  have  seen,  a  daughter 
of  the  Hon.  Joseph  L.  Kichardson,  of  Auburn,  1ST.  Y. ; 
and,  so  far  as  the  present  writer's  knowledge — not  gath 
ered  from  experience — extends,  the  first  moons  of  wed 
lock,  the  matrimonial  spring,  is  more  desirably  given  to 
gentler  thoughts  than  the  science  of  politics  can  suggest. 

Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  the  bridegroom  now  in 
question  could  not  sit  quietly  and  listen  to  the  energetic 
and  exciting  debates  which  were  going  on  around  him ; 
the  war-horse  heard  the  sounds  of  the  battle,  and  pricked 
up  his  ears.  The  fiery  eloquence  poured  from  one 
mouth,  swift  answer  shouted  from  another,  charges  of 
hot  denunciation  upon  serried  columns  of  stout,  quiet 


THE   FISCAL   SPEECH.  63 

reasons  ;  all  this  roused  him,  and  he  said:  "I  too  must 
have  my  part  in  this.  I  too  feel  courage  and  energy, 
and  strong  conviction  of  right  within  me,  and  I  will 
speak  it  out  with  what  power  shall  be  given  to  me." 

There  was  the  great  financial  question  now  before  the 
House.  President  Yan  Buren's  Sub-Treasury  system 
had  succeeded  to  the  United  States  Bank.  The  friends 
of  this  latter  institution  had  opposed  Yan  Buren's  plan 
with  vehemence.  The  question  came  to  be  a  party 
issue ;  the  Whigs  advocating,  the  Democrats  denouncing 
the  National  Bank  system.  The  hottest  opponents  of 
the  measure  were  the  constituents  of  Mr.  Wood,  and  he, 
both  as  faithful  representative,  as  well  as  from  strong 
private  conviction,  was  determined  to  denounce  the 
establishment  of  any  national  bank,  with  whatsoever 
force  he  had. 

Several  propositions  had  been  made  for  the  creation 
of  a  national  bank,  as  the  fiscal  agent  of  the  Govern 
ment.  The  influence  of  Senator  Henry  Clay  in  both 
Houses,  was  exerted  in  favor  of  the  measure.  Bart  up 
to  the  help  of  the  Democracy  against  the  mighty  Ken- 
tuckian,  came,  from  the  Senate,  Calhoun,  Benton, 
Wright,  Woodbury,  Walker,  Buchanan,  Eives,  and 
others  ;  and  the  House -flanked  these  troops  with  Inger- 
soll.  Ehett,  Hunter,  Pickens,  Dixon  H.  Lewis,  Henry 
A.  Wise,  and  others.  • 

To  get  up  and  talk  among  these  men,  and  against 
such  opponents  as  they  were  to  cope  with,  was  not  a 
very  inviting  first  field  for  a  young  man  and  a  younger 
statesman.  Never  mind.  He  had  something  in  him  to 
say,  and  he.  would  say  it,  and  he  did;  not  without 


64:  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

laurels  either,  for  the  press  passed  great  encomiums 
upon  him ;  his  opponents  came  to  compliment  him  on 
his  maiden  speech,  and  old  John  Quincy  Adams  left  his 
seat,  took  the  flushed  orator  by  the  hand,  and  said: 
"  Young  man,  when  I  am  gone,  you  will  become  one 
of  the  foremost  men  in  this  country." 

The  young  wife  was  sitting  in  the  gallery ;  perhaps 
her  pleasure  rewarded  him  more  even  than  the  praises 
of  the  great  men.  It  is  said  that  when  he  rose,  he  was 
very  pale,  and  that  his  voice  was  tremulous ;  but  the 
will  was  there,  and  by  and  by  the  voice  grew  firm,  the 
color  came  back  to  his  face,  and  the  first  effort  at  forensic 
oratory  was  for  him  a  brilliant  triumph. 

What  he  said,  we  give  below  from  the  Congressional 
Reports : 

SPEECH 

ON  TUB 

FISCAL    BANK    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 

' 

DELIVERED  AUG.  0,  1841. 

MR.  WOOD  rose  and  said :  Although  not  a  talking 
man,  either  by  profession  or  inclination,  yet  the  impor 
tance  of  the  question,  and  the  recent  signal  expression 
of  opinion  from  his  constituents,  demanded  that  he 
should  be  heard.  He  congratulated  himself  that  he  had 
obtained  the  floor  at  this  early  stage  of  the  debate,  and 
would  not  detain  the  Committee  by  an  exordium,  but 
proceed  directly  in  the  discussion. 

But,  before  entering  upon  the  main  question,  he  felt 
called  upon  to  allude  to  one  point  in  the  argument  of 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH.  65 

the  gentleman  (Mr.  Sergeant)  from  Pennsylvania,  who 
opened  the  debate  yesterday  in  an  ingenious  speech 
upon  the  constitutionality  of  a  bank.  He  would  not 
discuss  the  legal  points  with  that  gentleman;  but  he 
would  say  that  that  gentleman's  remarks  appeared  to 
him  as  better  fitted  for  the  bar  and  a  jury  than  for  the 
House  ;  and  he  would  also  add,  that  it  appeared  rather 
as  a  speech  made  to  remove  from  the  Executive  certain 
constitutional  scruples  he  was  supposed  to  entertain  as  to 
the  powers  of  the  Government  to  create  a  bank,  than  to 
convince  Congress  or  the  people.  But  with  this  he  had 
nothing  to  do ;  it  was  the  allusion  made  to  the  senti 
ments  of  a  gentleman  now  minister  to  Eussia  (Mr. 
Cambreleng)  to  which  he  particularly  referred.  The 
gentleman  in  the  course  of  his  remarks,  alluded  to  a 
resolution  reported  to  this  House  by  Mr.  Cambreleng 
from  the  Committee  of  "Ways  and  Means  in  1837 — 
"that  it  was  inexpedient  to  charter  a  national  bank;" 
and  drew  from  it  the  inference  that  that  gentleman,  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  and  the  House  which 
passed  the  resolution,  had  no  doubt  as  to  the  constitu 
tionality  of  a  national  bank. 

I  protest  (said  Mr.  W.)  against  this  induction.  It  is 
not  justified  by  the  fact.  It  is  not  a  logical  inference. 
The  speeches  of  my  distinguished  friend  stand  recorded 
against  a  bank,  upon  the  ground  of  want  of  power 
under  the  Constitution,  as  well  as  inexpediency.  The 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  was  a  member  when 
these  speeches  were  made  ;  and  it  was  unfortunate  their 
character  had  escaped  his  recollection.  Besides,  was 
this  not  so,  'he  (Mr.  C.)  may  have  been  acting  under  in- 


66  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

struction  from  his  Committee,  against  his  own  vote. 
But  even  if  that  was  not  the  fact,  he  (Mr.  ~W.)  contended 
that  the  proposition  of  the  inexpediency  of  a  measure 
was  not  an  admission  of  its  legality.  But,  sir,  (said 
Mr.  W.,)  I  will  not  dwell  here.  My  object  is  answered 
in  thus  briefly  placing  the  opinion  of  an  absent  gentle 
man  in  its  true  light,  and  preventing  what  I  conceive 
to  be  an  unwarranted,  and,  I  must  add,  unintentional 
stigma,  falling  upon  the  political  character  of  one  of  the 
favorite  sons  of  the  Empire  State. 

The  bill  before  the  Committee  is,  in  common  parlance, 
a  bill  to  create  a  national  bank  as  a  fiscal  agent  of  the 
Government  —  a  proposition  which  pre-supposes  the 
repeal  of  the  law  of  July,  1840,  for  the  safe-keeping  and 
disbursement  of  the  public  money,  known  as  the  Inde 
pendent  Treasury.  Though  the  question  of  this  repeal 
was  not  now  directly  before  the  Committee,  yet,  under 
standing  it  to  be  the  determination  of  the  administration 
majority  to  move  the  "previous  question"  immediately 
upon  that  repeal,  without  allowing  the  minority  an 
hour  for  discussion,  he  would  take  this  opportunity  of 
protesting  against  such  tyranny  and  against  the  repeal. 

A  proposition  to  strike  from  the  statute-book  a  law 
so  important  in  its  bearings,  and  created  for  purposes 
of  such  deep  interest,  should  be  accompanied  by  reasons 
more  cogent  than  any  we  have  yet  heard.  Proof  should 
be  adduced  that  it  had  failed  to  perform  what  its  friends 
promised  for  it;  that  it  had  been  mischievous  in  its 
effects,  or  impracticable  in  its  operations.  They  are  not 
produced ;  nor  can  it  be  said  any  argument  based  upon 
its  action,  worthy  of  serious  notice,  has  been  brought 


THE   FISCAL  SPEECH.  67 

against  it.  It  is  safe,  then,  to  hazard  the  opinion,  that 
no  fault  can  be  found  with  it  in  practice,  although  it 
had  such  strenuous  opponents  in  theory.  It  has  worked 
well,  answering  thus  far  (save,  probably,  in  a  few  minor 
details)  the  objects  of  its  creation.  If  we  revert  to  the 
oft-repeated  phophecies  of  the  Whig  party,  of  the  devas 
tation  which  the  Independent  Treasury  was  to  spread 
with  magic  speed  throughout  the  land,  and  now  com 
pare  them  with  what  has  been  our  condition  since  its 
adoption,  and  with  what  is  at  this  time  our  true  condi 
tion,  the  falsity  of  the  prophecies  will  be  apparent.  If 
the  state  of  the  times  is  used  as  an  argument  against  it, 
it  is  its  triumphant  vindication,  when  compared  with 
those  which  preceded  it.  We  were  told  it  was  pregnant 
with  lamentable  consequences;  that  it  would  destroy 
commerce  and  confidence ;  reduce  wages  to  ten  cents 
per  diem,  the  profits  of  agriculture  to  almost  nothing ; 
in  short,  that  all  interests  were  to  be  annihilated.  Has 
this  been  so  ?  Have  any  of  these  evils  overtaken  the 
people?  I  opine  not.  Without  producing  statistics, 
as  I  here  could,  to  show,  by  irrefutable  data,  that  pros 
perity — true,  not  false  prosperity — has  existed  with  all 
classes;  modified,  it  is  true,  but  yet  has  existed  since 
July,  1840,  the  period  at  which  this  bill  became  a  law  ; 
I  will  content  myself  by  referring  alone  to  the  mercan 
tile  portion  of  my  constituency,  boldly  making  the 
assertion  that  they  have  less  cause  of  complaint  this 
year  than  for  either  of  the  three  previous.  It  is  true, 
unfortunate  bankrupts,  borne  to  the  earth  by  indebted 
ness,  have  not  been  relieved,  nor  can  any  law,  having 
for  its  object  'the  custody  of  the  public  money,  relieve 


68  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERKANDO  WOOD. 

them ;  nor  has  it  re-produced  the  days  of  adventurous 
hazard,  bringing  back  to  the  speculator  dreams  of  glory. 
These  its  tendency  has  been  to  check,  not  facilitate. 
But  mercantile  New- York,  in  her  true  business  charac 
ter — divested  of,  and  divided  from  political  prejudices, 
thus  freed  from  former  embarrassments,  and  content 
with  the  profits  of  a  safe,  legitimate  trade — comes  not  to 
your  halls  for  legislative  relief,  or  the  repeal  of  this  law; 
short  credits  and  small  profits  seldom  trouble  you  with 
lamentations;  they  have  no  cause  for  lamentations — 
they  do  not  understand  what  is  meant  by  "  a  war  upon 
the  currency."  You  can  not  make  the  merchants,  who 
follow  these  simple  rules,  believe  they  are  ruined  and 
prostrate  bankrupts,  although  they  may  be  deluded  into 
a  support  of  your  administration.  In  discussing  this 
point,  it  is  necessary,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  discriminate 
between  business  merchants  and  political  merchants ; 
for  there  is  much  necessity  of  such  discrimination,  when 
the  advocates  of  the  repeal  and  the  establishment  of  a 
bank  so  strenuously  urge  their  views  upon  the  ground 
that  they  are  demanded  by  the  commercial  interests  of 
the  country.  Sir,  I  am  proud  of  the  intelligence,  pro 
bity,  and  standing  of  this  class  of  my  constituency  ;  but, 
at  the  same  time,  it  is  my  duty  to  say,  (and.it  is  said 
with  regret,)  that  a  large  portion  of  it  have  allowed 
themselves  to  become  the  tools  and  instruments  of  de 
signing  politicians  ;  been  drawn  into  the  arena  as  parti 
san  gladiators,  lending  the  potential  influence  of  their 
business  titles  to  further  schemes  of  adventurers  :  allow 
ing  their  interests,  and  consequently  the  vast  interests 
depending  upon  them,  to  be  almost  prostrated  by  a  mis- 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH.  69 

taken  enthusiasm,  engendered  by  imaginary  wrongs. 
They  have  been,  put  into  requisition  upon  this  occasion ; 
but  I  must  be  allowed  to  say,  they  arrogate  powers  not 
belonging  to  themselves ;  they  can  not,  in  justice,  speak 
for  the  commercial  class  of  New- York,  but  more  pro 
perly  for  the  political  part  of  that  class. 

I  repeat,  that  our  trading  community  —  the  safe, 
sound,  and  rational  portion  of  it — freed  from  these  pre 
judices,  make  no  complaint.  The  existing  troubles 
they  attribute  to  past  errors.  In  short,  no  argument 
can  be  adduced  in  favor  of  the  repeal  of  the  independent 
treasury,  based  upon  the  action  or  effect  of  the  bill. 
The  state  of  the  times  since  its  adoption,  as  compared 
with  the  three  preceding  years,  is  upon  its  side — evi 
dence  of  some  weight,  and  should,  in  this  discussion,  be 
properly  placed  to  its  credit. 

But  I  apprehend  gentlemen  do  not  urge  the  repeal  for 
the  reason  that  it  has  yet  betrayed  any  mischievous  ten 
dencies.  We  are  told  time  sufficient  has  not  yet  elapsed, 
but  the  evil  will  be  developed  notwithstanding.  Is  it 
not  wise,  then,  to  await  that  time,  and  thus  be  furnished 
with  reasons  for  the  people  ?  Hasty  legislation,  either 
in  the  enactment  of  laws  or  their  repeal,  is  objectionable, 
and  often  pregnant  with  lamentable  consequences.  To 
guard  against  it,  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  devised 
many  ways.  It  was  a  point  upon  which  they  debated 
long  and  solemnly.  To  repeal  this  law  at  a  time  when  it 
is  indisputable  no  argument  can  be  produced  against  its 
operation — that  it  furnishes  in  practice  none  of  the  ob 
jections  urged  against  it  in  theory — but  merely  because 
its  enemies  have  obtained  a  momentary  ascendency  in 


70  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

our  councils,  is  one  of  the  very  acts  of  hasty  legislation 
so  much  dreaded  by  the  founders  of  the  Government ; 
as,  also,  is  it  one  of  those  self-destroying  evils  depicted 
by  the  opponents  of  republican  institutions,  as  always 
connected  with  popular  representative  governments. 

Much  good  was  promised  for  it  by  its  friends ;  much 
bad  prognosticated  by  the  opposition.  The  time  neces 
sary  to  prove  who  were  in  the  right,  and  give  it  a  fair 
trial  upon  its  merits,  has  not  elapsed.  But  if  you  force 
a  decision,  demanding  a  verdict  now,  the  issue  must  be 
made  up,  upon  its  action,  effect,  and  influence;  upon 
which  ground  we  are  ready  to  meet  you,  sanguine  of  a 
certain  triumph. 

But  we  are  told  the  people  have  decided  against  it. 
Have  they,  forsooth  ?  I  respectfully  ask  in  what  way  ? 
at  what  time  ?  I  am  referred  to  the  late  Presidential 
election,  but  deny  that  that  election  had  any  reference 
to  the  independent  treasury  bill.  The  issue  then,  ii 
there  was  any,  (and  if  there  was,  for  my  life  I  could  not 
discover  it,)  was  of  another  kind — made  up  of  different 
material  than  any  thing  having  a  bearing  upon  any 
question  of  national  interest,  much  less  the  question  of 
in  what  way  the  public  revenue  should  be  collected  and 
disbursed.  When  was  the  subject  discussed  before  the 
people  ?  "Where  was  a  denunciation  of  the  odious  sub- 
treasury  made  the  war-cry  for  the  onslaught,  as  in  1838? 
Nowhere !  Or,  if  so,  in  isolated  instances,  by  itinerant 
Whig  orators,  who,  having  learned  their  lessons  in  1838, 
like  other  starlings  having  the  faculty  of  repetition  instead 
of  invention,  doled  forth  their  lamentations  in  the  old 


THE   FISCAL   SPEECH.  71 

repeated  strains  of  "  sub-treasury!  sub-treasury ! !  odious 
sub-treasury  I ! ! " 

"Was  it  made  the  issue  by  that  illustrious  convention 
of  office-seekers  who  nominated  the  successful  candidate 
a,t  Harrisburg  ?  It  was  not.  That  august  body  of  pa 
triots,  after  contemplating  their  act,  sneaked  to  their 
homes,  not  daring  to  make  an  avowal  of  sentiments. 
Or  was  it  made  the  topic  of  discussion  by  the  candidate 
himself  (supposed,  of  course,  to  embody  the  principles 
of  his  party)  in  his  various  addresses  to  the  people  ?  It 
was  not.  That  respectable  old  gentleman,  as  far  as  I 
know,  never  descanted  upon  the  subject ;  or,  if  so,  by 
the  most  indirect  allusion.  Suffice  it  to  say,  there  was 
no  issue  made  at  that  election,  involving  the  repeal  of 
this  law ;  and  gentlemen  know  it.  That  battle  had  been 
fought  in  1838.  The  election  for  the  26th  Congress 
turned  almost  entirely  upon,  it.  Mr.  Yan  Buren  pro 
posed  it  in  his  first  message  in  September,  1837,  and  it 
at  once  became  the  watchword  of  the  Democratic  party, 
as  it  did  the  exclusive  point  of  attack  of  the  Federal 
party.  The  bank  patriots  left  our  ranks,  in  which  there 
was  no  more  prospect  of  plunder,  suddenly  dropping 
the  reins  which  they  had  held  with  an  iron  grasp ;  thus 
causing  dissension  and  confusion,  producing  the  over 
whelming  though  transient  defeats  of  the  fall  of  tha,t 
year.  The  following  spring  State  elections,  contested 
upon  the  same  ground,  showed  a  slight  reaction ;  but 
the  canvass  for  the  26th  Congress,  in  the  fall  and  follow 
ing  summer,  fought  upon  the  broad  platform  of  Jeffer- 
sonian  democracy — the  divorce  of  bank  and  State  against 
a  national  bank — sub-treasury,  or  no  sub-treasury — be- 


72  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

tween  the  unpurified  and  unterrified  democracy  upon 
one  side,  and  an  unholy  alliance  of  old  federalists  and 
bank-rag  aristocracy  upon  the  other; — an  election,  it 
may  be  said,  held  with  express  reference  to  this  point 
of  Mr.  Yan  Buren's  policy — resulted  in  a  glorious  tri 
umph,  by  returning  a  majority  in  its  favor,  although  the 
city  of  New- York  was  defrauded  by  pipe-laying,  out  of 
her  representatives.  Here  was  the  issue — the  only  one 
ever  made  involving  this  question  ;  and  it  is  a  vain  sub 
terfuge  to  transfer  it  to  the  late  election,  because  you 
were  fortunate  enough  to  secure — no  matter  how — a 
majority  of  numbers  against  it. 

As  one  knowing  something  of  commerce  and  the  in 
fluences  affecting  it,  and  being  somewhat  conversant 
with  the  views  of  that  interest,  and  representing,  in  part, 
the  most  important  commercial  district  in  the  Union,  I 
regret  this  motion,  apart  .from  all  political  considera 
tions  ;  I  regret  the  subject  is  even  agitated.  The  debate 
upon  it  is  deleterious.  If  it  is  true  (as  so  often  contend 
ed  by  the  opponents  of  the  late  and  previous  administra 
tions)  that  this  ever  tinkering  with  the  currency — this 
eternal  legislation  upon  the  public  finances — has  a  fatal 
influence  upon  trade  and  commerce,  why  do  the  same 
gentlemen  now  follow  the  course  they  so  eloquently  de 
nounced  then  ? — violate  a  principle  so  soon  after  estab 
lishing  it?  The  first  session  of  the  late  Congress,  as 
was  thought,  disposed  of  this  matter.  We  had  a  seven 
years'  war  between  two  powerful  parties,  contending 
with  unexampled  energy  which  should  settle  it  accord 
ing  to  its  policy ;  until  at  last,  by  the  passage  of  this 
bill,  the  question  was  set  at  rest — the  public  money  was 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH.  73 

placed  in  a  situation  where  politicians  and  speculators 
could  not  reach  it — where  it  could  no  longer  be  used  as 
investments  for  political  defense  or  attack.  The  people, 
not  party  hacks,  rejoiced  at  its  final  disposition ;  they 
felt  that  they  were  to  remain  for  a  season  freed  from  the 
surges  of  this  ocean';  to  have  rest,  peace,  and  security ; 
the  question  was  considered  settled.  Those  who  were 
sufferers  through  this  conflict  (and  I  know  none  who 
were  not)  would  leave  it  where  it  is.  Reasonable  men, 
of  all  classes,  rejoiced  privately,  if  not  publicly,  at  its 
conclusion.  They  felt  relieved  from  the  glorious  uncer 
tainty  of  a  deranged  currency.  They  now  know  upon 
what  to  depend;  it  was  finished  —  disposed  of;  and 
although  not  according  to  the  preference  of  some,  yet  it 
was  disposed  of;  and  prayed  it  might  so  remain.  I 
tell  you,  sir,  a  majority  of  your  party  do  not  go  with 
you  in  this  repeal,  when  in  its  stead  you  seek  to  rear  an 
institution  like  this  proposed.  The  larger  and  more  in 
telligent  part  of  our  merchants — a  class  who  have  con 
tributed  in  various  ways  to  place  you  in  power,  and 
who,  according  to  panic-makers,  were  to  become  its 
immediate  victims  —  do  not  ask  you  for  its  repeal,  if 
they  are  to  have  a  bank  in  its  place.  The  merchants 
throughout  the  country  wish  you  to  let  them  alone — to 
let  the  currency  alone.  Instead  of  calling  extra  sessions 
of  Congress  to  cater  for  their  especial  benefit,  they  would 
rather  Congress  take  a  recess  for  five  years,  and  give 
them  relief  by  non-interference.  You  taught  them  that 
legislation  upon  the  currency  was  prejudicial ;  they  will 
ask  you  to  practise  upon,  in  majority,  the  doctrines  so 
ably  expounded  in  minority.  They  do  not  require  the 
4 


74  BIOGRAPHY   OF   FERNANDO  WOOD. 

political  theorists  who  aspire  to  the  honor  of  construct 
ing  a  system  of  finance,  based  upon  some  visionary  ab 
straction  of  their  own,  to  practise  castle-building  at  their 
expense ;  nor  do  they  ask  the  adherents  of  Whig  candi 
dates  for  the  Presidency  to  prove  their  fealty  by  the 
constitution  of  a  party  engine — good  for  Presidential  as 
pirants,  but  destructive  to  trade  and  commerce. 

If  the  sub-treasury  contains  errors  of  detail,  amend 
and  alter,  regulate,  but  not  destroy.  An  error  of  detail 
is  not  an  error  of  principle*  Give  our  system  the  same 
chance  of  developing  itself  that  we  have  given  a  bank, 
and  if  it  prove  to  possess  any  of  its  fatal  influence,  I 
pledge  myself  the  Democratic  party  will  go  with  you  for 
its  repeal.  We  never  sought  to  wrest  from  the  United 
States  Bank  its  charter,  even  after  its  corruption  had 
become  manifest.  In  fact,  at  a  time  when  it  was  noto 
riously  subsidizing  the  press  and  squandering  its  money 
in  a  war  upon  General  Jackson's  administration,  we 
never  attempted  the  annulling  of  its  charter.  It  had  for 
years  previous  to  its  expiration  proved  unsafe  as  a  pub 
lic  depository,  unsound  as  a  bank  of  emission,  and  a 
deranger  instead  of  a  regulator  of  the  exchanges ;  yet 
we  never  dreamed,  in  the  plenitude  of  our  power,  of  lay 
ing  hands  upon  it.  I  contend  that  the  charter  of  that 
bank  was  violated,  and  yet  General  Jackson  never  pro 
posed  its  demolition.  It  was  at  one  time  spoken  of,  in 
the  political  circles  opposed  to  it ;  but  the  friends  of  the 
institution  cried  for  quarter,  and  quarter  was  given. 
And  so  with  our  nine  hundred  State  banks,  which  have 
been  for  years  preying  upon  the  vitals  of  the  people, 
putting  at  defiance  all  law,  human  and  divine.  We 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH.  75 

have  not  sought  their  destruction,  nor  do  we  now ;  their 
friends  admit  the*re  are  errors  in  their  system,  but  ask 
us  to  regulate,  not  destroy  them.  We  make  no  admis 
sions  of  errors  in  our  system ;  but  if  there  are  errors  of 
detail,  regulate,  but  not  destroy.  For  forty  years  this 
Government  has  tried  a  national  bank  as  its  fiscal  agent ; 
what  has  been  our  financial  condition  for  these  forty 
years  ?  We  have  been  periodically  visited  by  panics, 
revulsions,  and  distresses,  inflations  and  reactions,  as 
tounding  exposes  of  defalcations  and  forgeries,  agricul 
tural  killing  low  prices,  and  mechanical  and  operative 
killing  high  prices — a  see-saw  between  inflation  and  de 
pression,  aptly  represented  by  Daddy  Lambert  times 
and  Calvin  Edson  times.  But,  sir,  have  any  of  these 
delectable  bank  followers  visited  us  since  the  adoption 
of  our  plan  ?  They  have  not.  I  shall  be  answered,  it 
has  not  been  in  existence  long  enough.  Yery  well :  it 
is  admitted.  Give  it  a  trial  of  ten  years — one  quarter 
the  period  you  have  had  for  yours;  and  if  it  harass 
and  beggar  the  people  in  the  same  manner,  we  will 
give  it  up,  and  strike  our  colors. 

The  truth  is,  no  argument  based  upon  common  sense 
can  be  adduced  against  the  independent  treasury. 
There  are  two  motives  actuating  its  opponents — the  one, 
malice  ;  the  other,  to  rear  in  its  place  a  political  institu 
tion,  which  will  enable  them  to  comply  with  certain 
promises  made  previous  to  the  late  election.  There  is  a 
class  of  the  Whig  party  not  provided  for  by  the  distri 
bution  of  the  spoils ;  the  wheel  does  not  revolve  fast 
enough  for  them  ;  and  another,  who  look  for  payment 
in  a  less  laborious  manner,  by  moneyed  facilities. 


76  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

There  is  an  interest  also  across  the  water,  too  powerful 
to  be  denied,  and  to  whom,  if  report  speaks  true,  the 
dominant  party  is  somewhat  indebted.  But  if  these 
exist  only  in  the  imagination,  I  repeat,  malice — deep, 
unrelenting  malice — has  much  to  do  with  this  repeal ;  a 
motive  the  more  unmanly  and  contemptible,  as  it  is 
veiled  under  pretexts  of  what  the  public  good  requires. 
By  deception  was  the  power  obtained  to  do  this  deed, 
and  by  deception  is  the  deed  perpetrated.  As  the  pirate 
decoys  the  merchantman  under  a  friendly  flag  until  the 
sides  of  the  victim  are  scaled  and  the  deck  is  in  his  pos 
session — so  did  the  Whig  leaders  decoy  the  people,  until, 
having  them  fast  bound  and  powerless,  as  far  as  their 
action  here  is  concerned,  they  unfurl  the  red  banner, 
bring  forth  the  bloody  instruments  of  torture,  exhibit 
the  portentous  engine  yclept  a  bank,  and  prepare  the 
manacles  and  chains.  But,  thank  God,  here  the  simile 
fails ;  for,  unlike  the  victims  of  the  corsair,  they  shall 
be  freed  from  this  subjugation,  and  deal  a  just  retribu 
tion  upon  the  actors  in  this  treachery — ay,  sir,  reaching 
the  pirate  captain  himself,  whether  enveloped  in  robes 
of  senatorial  dignity,  (Mr.  Clay,)  or  doffed  in  the  "brown 
habit  of  a  puritan  secretary,  (Mr.  Webster.)  These  daz- 
zlingly-bedecked  chieftains  wear  but  the  people's  livery. 
Is  it  not  enough  that  you  should  have  purchased  popu 
lar  support  by  allying  yourself  to  popular  passions ;  but 
must  you  now  exercise  your  ill-gotten  power,  without 
dignity  and  without  respect,  by  indulging  this  spirit  of 
pitiful  vindictiveness?  But  what  can  be  expected  of  an 
administration  coming  into  existence  as  it  did,  and  con 
trolled  by  the  men  it  is — men  whose  object  was  to  ob- 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH.  77 

tain  office,  and,  until  they  are  stripped  of  this  power, 
standing  forth  as  naked  of  government  patronage  as 
they  are  naked  of  principle  ?  There  is  no  rest  for  an 
abused  and  deluded  people. 

Sir,  I  have  not  the  ability  or  disposition  to  go  into  an 
elaborate  defense  of  the  sub-treasury,  if  any  were 
required.  It  was  the  principal  topic  of  discussion  in 
every  legislative  body  in  the  country,  from  the  moment 
of  its  proposition  to  its  passage.  The  ablest  talent  bat 
tled  for  it  and  against  it ;  the  public  press  teemed  with 
it ;  scarcely  a  child  but  is  conversant  with  the  argu 
ments  upon  either  side.  I  will  not  spend  the  people's 
money,  or  weary  the  patience  of  the  Committee,  by 
repeating  them.  The  mandate  has  gone  forth — "  it  must 
be  repealed"  It  may  be  said  with  propriety,  that  any 
discussion  in  the  premises,  or  any  opposition,  here  or 
elsewhere,  is  folly — madness.  It  must  be  repealed.  A 
distinguished  Senator  has  said  it ;  and,  like  Mandarins 
under  a  special  edict  of  the  Celestial  Emperor,  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  majority  of  this  House  to  '•''tremble  and  obey" 
But  as  it  is  not  pretended  we  are  to  be  left  at  sea  with 
out  a  rudder,  a  substitute  is  proposed  ;  or,  rather,  would 
it  not  be  more  correct  to  say  several  substitutes  ?  all, 
however,  in  the  language  of  the  official  gazette,  "  central 
or  fiscal  agents."  The  time  has  arrived  when  the  lead- 
horses  of  this  motley  group,  now  in  the  possession  of 
the  Government,  can,  as  they  think  with  safety,  take 
their  course  without  fear  of  the  consequences.  It  is  not 
now  with  the  Kentucky  Senator  as  it  was  when  pressed 
upon  by  the-  Democratic  Senator  of  New- York,  previous 
to  the  closing  of  the  last  Congress.  Then  he  replied  to 


78  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

a  question  as  to  the  substitute,  "that  sufficient  for  the 
day  was  the  evil  thereof."  "  He  had  then  nothing  but 
the  sub-treasury  to  handle,  and  that  was  sufficient  for 
him."  It  was  too  soon  to  play  trumps.  He  (Mr.  Clay) 
was  not  ready.  A  premature  disclosure  may  have 
effected  certain  congressional  elections,  not  at  that  time 
holden.  Of  course,  at  that  time  he  had  nothing  but  the 
sub-treasury  to  handle ;  it  was  entirely  too  soon  to  make 
further  "  disclosures  for  the  public  eye."  But  now,  se 
crecy  was  no  longer  necessary ;  the  elections  have  been 
held ;  a  federal  majority  is  secured  ;  the  administration 
is  thrust  into  the  breach  ;  the  hand  is  shown ;  the  card 
is  played ;  and  the  Whig  trump  is  to  "  incorporate  the 
subscribers  to  the  fiscal  bank  of  the  United  States." 

Sir,  if  the  people  of  this  country  decided  in  the  late 
election  against  the  sub-treasury,  (which  I  deny,)  did 
they  decide  in  favor  of  a  national  bank  ?  They  did 
not.  That  issue  was  never  made ;  the  question  was 
never  raised ;  nor  are  they  now  in  favor  of  such  an 
institution.  I  am  aware  efforts  are  being  made  to  foist 
upon  Congress  the  interested  action  of  a  handful  of 
brokers,  bankers,  and  speculators,  as  the  popular  voice. 
But  the  mantle  of  deception  is  too  flimsy.  Gentlemen 
refer  me  to  what  they  are  pleased  to  term  the  mammoth 
petition  from  New- York,  presented  to  the  Senate  a  few 
weeks  since.  Sir,  they  may  term  it  the  mammoth  peti 
tion,  but  I  christen  it  the  bastard  petition ;  ay,  sir,  the 
illegitimate  offspring  of  illegitimate  parents.  Sir,  it 
purports  to  have  been  signed  by  some  fifteen  or  twenty 
thousand  petitioners;  whereas,  if  my  information  be 
correct,  it  did  not  contain  eleven  thousand;  and  four 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH.  79 

thousand  of  them  were  purchased  by  hired  loafers  at 
the  corners  of  the  streets,  at  four  dollars  per  hundred. 
Thus  will  the  mammoth,  which  took  three  persons  to 
bring  it  to  the  Capitol,  lose  more  than  half  of  its  rotundity, 
and  all  of  any  thing  formidable  in  its  appearance.  I 
have  alluded  to  the  three  persons  who  assumed  the 
responsibility  of  acting  as  its  guards  and  escorts;  I 
should  have  said  Committee,  for  they  were  dignified  by 
such  official  cognomen  by  their  wire-pullers  in  Wall 
street.  And  who  were  the  members  of  this  Committee  ? 
The  same  gentlemen  who  went  "cap  in  hand"  to  Mr. 
Biddle,  in  March,  1837,  begging  him  to  save  New- York 
from  annihilation;  and  who,  in  October,  1839,  advo 
cated  a  suspension  of  specie  payments  by  our  banks — 
fit  instruments  to  be  the  tenders  of  such  a  petition. 
There  has  also  been  presented  a  memorial  from  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  of  New- York,  praying  for  a 
similar  favor.  I  have  a  word  to  say  as  to  this  memorial. 
Unsophisticated  gentlemen,  unacquainted  with  the  way 
in  which  digues  contrive  to  manufacture  public  senti 
ment,  would  not  think  it  possible  that  a  memorial  com 
ing  from  such  a  source  could  be  any  other  than  a  repre 
sentation  of  the  opinion  of  commercial  men ;  but,  sir, 
in  this  instance  it  is  not  so.  Our  Chamber  of  Commerce 
is  an  association  of  about  two  hundred  gentlemen ;  there 
were  but  fifty-six  present,  when  a  resolution  was  passed 
to  memorialize  Congress  for  a  bank :  thirty-six  voted  in 
favor,  and  twenty  against  it.  Under  this  resolution,  a 
Committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  draw  a  memorial — 
and  were  they  merchants  ?  No,  sir,  there  was  but  one 
merchant  upon  that  Committee.  This  is  not  an  empty 


80  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

assertion,  without  authority,  but  is  the  fact,  as  I  will 
convince  the  House,  by  producing  their  names  and  oc 
cupation.  The  first-named  gentleman  was  James  Gr. 
King,  senior  partner  of  the  house  of  Prime,  Ward,  & 
King,  an  old-established  Wall  street  banking-house, 
largely  connected  with  British  capitalists  and.  British 
interests — a  banker,  (or,  in  common  parlance,  a  broker,) 
and  not  a  merchant.  I  intend  no  disrespect  when  I 
characterize  him  as  a  broker.  This  word,  in  its  original 
and  true  definition,  has  nothing  disreputable  in  it;  its 
present  taint  has  arisen  from  the  fleecing  propensities  of 
the  modern  order  of  that  profession.  Among  them  are 
many  honorable  exceptions,  and  I  believe  him  (Mr.  K.) 
to  be  one ;  but  he  is  not  a  merchant,  and,  consequently, 
is  not  the  proper  person  to  speak  through  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce  what  the  mercantile  interests  of  New- York 
require.  The  next  is  Mr.  James  Brown,  of  the  house 
of  Brown,  Brothers,  &  Co.,  another  banking  establish 
ment,  largely  connected  with  capitalists  across  the 
Atlantic,  and,  as  I  believe,  a  partner  in  a  similar  firm  in 
Liverpool  or  London.  As  a  representative  of  the  com 
mercial  classes,  he  is  in  the  same  category  with  the 
former  gentleman.  I  intend  no  disrespect.  Well,  sir, 
the  third  is  Mr.  James  Depeyster  Ogden — not  a  banker, 
it  is  true,  but  a  cotton  operator — or,  in  other  words,  a 
cotton  speculator.  This  gentleman  (whom  I  understand 
to  be  a  very  worthy  man)  is  the  author  of  several  labored 
treatises  in  favor  of  a  bank,  and  is  the  reputed  author 
of  the  memorial.  He  is  not  a  merchant,  and  can  not 
speak  for  the  merchants  of  New- York.  The  fourth  is 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH.  81 

Mr.  John  E.  Hurd,  president  of  an  insurance  company, 
who  is  also  a  gentleman  of  respectability,  but  not  a  mer 
chant  ;  nor  can  he  with  propriety  speak  for  the  mer 
chants  of  New- York.  The  fifth,  and  last,  is  Mr.  William 
H.  Aspinwall,  a  bond  fide  merchant,  practically  and 
theoretically,  and  one  of  the  most  enlightened  and  pros 
perous  of  the  class.  He  was  the  "only  merchant  upon 
the  Committee.  In  connection  with  this  point,  I  will 
add,  that  at  the  time  this  cheat  was  in  preparation — 
this  merchants'  petition  being  drawn  up  by  brokers  and 
speculators  for  the  Congressional  market — there  were 
conspicuous  British  bankers  in  Wall  street,  anxious 
observers,  if  not  co-laborers  in  the  movement.  Among 
them  might  be  named  Mr.  Bates,  partner  of  the  cele 
brated  house  of  Baring,  Brothers  &  Co. ;  Mr.  Cryder, 
of  the  equally  celebrated  house  of  Morrison,  Cryder  & 
Co. ;  Mr.  Palmer,  Jr.,  son  of  Horsley  Palmer,  now"  (or 
late)  Governor  of  the  Bank  of  England.  Nor,  Mr.  Chair 
man,  were  these  "allies"  seen  alone  in  Wall  street; 
their  visits  were  extended  to  the  Capitol ;  and  since 
the  commencement  of  the  debate  upon  this  bill  in 
the  other  House,  they  have  been  in  the  lobbies,  at 
tentive  and  apparently  interested  listeners.  I  make 
no  comment;  comment  is  unnecessary.  I  state  facts 
—  undeniable  facts ;  and  it  is  with  feelings  akin  to 
humiliation  and  shame  that  I  stand  up  here  and  state 
them. 

Sir,  the  voice  from  the  city  of  New- York  in  favor  of 
the  national  bank  is  from  Wall  street  and  its  purlieus  ; 
from  the  brokers,  bankers,  speculators,  and  their  de- 
4* 


82  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

pendants,  and  not  from  the  solvent  and  prudent  mer 
chants,  or  the  small  traders  and  mechanics.  The  mer 
chants  of  New- York,  in  the  aggregate,  without  reference 
to  party,  are  opposed  to  any  bank  you  can  create,  under 
any  name,  with  any  checks  of  any  character.  But,  sir, 
I  repeat:  suppose  the  people  have  decided  against  the 
sub-treasury,  (which*  I  deny,)  and  suppose  they  decide 
in  favor  of  a  national  bank,  (which  I  deny,)  and  suppose 
the  people  are  now  in  favor  of  it,  (which  I  deny,)  will 
it  perform  what  its  friends  in  Congress  promise  for  it  ? 
It  will  not.  "We  are  told,  among  other  benefits  to  be 
conferred  by  its  creation,  a  uniform  currency  will  be 
established,  and  exchanges  will  be  regulated.  Gentle 
men  often  revert  to  the  late  bank  as  proof  of  this  asser 
tion.  I  will  take  them  on  that  issue,  and  leave  out  of 
the  question,  as  they  unfairly  do,  the  Pennsylvania 
Bank  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  an  error,  an  unpardonable  error,  in  either  practi 
cal  men  or  statesmen,  to  say  that  the  late  United  States 
Bank  produced  steadiness  of  currency,  or  regular  ex 
changes.  In  the  first  commencement,  it  so  inflated  the 
money  market  that  a  revulsion  soon  followed,  which 
swept  off  the  merchants  of  the  day  by  thousands.  The 
father  of  the  humble  individual  who  addresses  you  (said 
Mr.  W.)  was  one  of  the  unfortunate  victims.  This  re 
vulsion  nearly  prostrated  the  bank ;  but,  by  breaking 
every  thing  else,  it  saved  itself.  Its  safety  was  secured 
by  its  management  falling  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Cheves, 
who  took  the  reins,  and  saved  it  from  bankruptcy  and 
ruin.  An  able  and  impartial  writer,  who  avows  himself 


THE   FISCAL  SPEECH.  83 

in  favor  of  a  bank,  says,  in  speaking  of  the  close  of  Mr. 
Cheves's  administration : 

"  The  bank  then  passed  into  other  hands,  and  from  that  time  to 
1836  there  were  no  causes  developed  which  threatened  a  general  sus 
pension  of  the  State  institutions ;  but  there  were  various  important 
minor  crises  which  were  all  more  or  less  aggravated  by  the  action  of 
the  bank  of  the  United  States  ;  and  with  the  causes  in  operation  from 
1830  to  1836,  (independent  of  those  arising  from  the  war  between  the 
Government  and  the  bank,)  had  its  charter  been  renewed,  it  would 
inevitably  have  failed.  These  causes  are  well  known :  they  were 
chiefly  in  a  series  of  years  of  high  prices  for  cotton,  of  introduction  of 
foreign  credit  and  capital  into  the  foreign  trade  of  the  country,  the 
gradual  increase  of  loans  to  the  States,  and  the  stopping  of  payments 
on  account  of  the  national  debt.  The  operation  of  these  causes 
brought  in  a  gradual  and  continual  accession  of  capital,  and  enlarged 
the  bases  of  credit  and  confidence  in  that  degree  that  engagements 
were  infinitely  multiplied  and  business  expanded,  and  together  with 
the  immense  increase  of  Government  deposits  in  the  bank,  make  it 
all  but  certain  that,  under  its  then  management  and  great  and  in 
creasing  circulation  and  extension,  it  would  have  been  the  first  to 
fail  and  carry  the  country  with  it ;  and  we  believe  the  time  is  not  far 
distant  when  this  will  be  considered  beyond  question.  It  behoves 
us,  therefore,  if  we  are  to  have  another  bank,  to  have  it  so  restricted 
and  constructed  as  to  place  it  out  of  the  power  of  enterprise  or 
cupidity  to  endanger  its  safety,  and  to  lessen  the  mischief  which 
always  accompanies  the  action  of  such  large  bodies  in  times  of  diffi 
culty.  "  • 

,:.= 

Again :  another  able  writer  on  finance  gives  a  state- 
ment  which  can  not  be  controverted.  I  challenge  con 
tradiction  here  or  elsewhere. 

The  fact  that,  for  a  few  years  during  the  existence  of  the  United 
States  Bank,  the  exchanges  were  uniform,  proves  nothing  but  that  a 


84  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

combination  of  extraordinary  events  tended  to  produce  a  greater  sup 
ply  of  credit  than  could  for  some  years  be  absorbed  in  the  regular 
course  of  business.  These  were  created  partly  by  the  yearly  pay 
ments  of  $10,000,000  on  account  of  the  national  debt,  which  went 
through  the  United  States  Bank  as  the  fiscal  agent,  and  the  creation 
of  a  large  amount  of  State  debts  that  formed  the  bases  of  bills.  From 
the  creation  of  the  United  States  Bank  in  1817,  up  to  1823,  the  ex 
changes  were  in  as  bad  a  condition  as  they  are  at  this  moment.  The 
banks  of  the  South  and  South- West  did  not  pay  specie,  and  the  United 
States  Bank  had  no  power  over  them.  In  1820,  large  issues  of  State 
stocks  commenced  as  follows : 


STATE  STOCKS  ISSUED  FROM   1821   TO   1830. 

Issue  commenced — 1820 South-Carolina, $1,560,000 

1823 Pennsylvania, 7,980,000 

1823 Virginia, 1,499,000 

1823 Alabama, 100,000 

1824 New-York, 8,496,781 

1824 Louisiana, 1,800,000 

1825 Ohio, 4,400,000 


Total, $25,835,781 

In  this  we  find  that  nearly  every  section  of  the  Union  had  large 
credits  to  draw  against,  created  by  stock  sales.  In  these  stocks 
were  invested  a  large  amount  of  the  money  paid  out  through  the 
United  States  Bank  to  tfce  public  creditors.  This  was  an  important 
element  in  regulating  the  exchanges ;  and  as  during  that  period  the 
movements  of  the  bank  were  confined  to  regular  business  only,  there 
was  but  little  speculation  abroad ;  and  these  credits  were  all  to  be 
absorbed  in  regular  business.  A  sufficiency  of  bills  was  thus  created 
that  effectually  prevented  any  extraordinary  rise  in  rates.  Let  us 
now  see  the  movements  of  the  bank  during  the  whole  existence,  as 
follows : 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH. 


85 


BANK  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES,  FROM  ITS  ORGANIZATION  UP  TO  JAN.,  1841. 


Year. 

Loans. 

Stocks  held. 

Specie. 

Circulation. 

Deposits. 

Jan.,   1817 

$3,485,195 

$4,829,234 

$1,724,109 

$1,911,200 

$11,233,021 

1818 

41,181,750 

9,475,932 

2,515,949 

8,839,448 

12,279,207 

1819 

85,786,263 

7,391,823 

2,666,696 

6,563,750 

5,792,809 

1820 

31,401,158 

7,192,980 

8,392,755 

3,589,481 

6,568,794 

1821 

30,905,199 

9,155,855 

7,643,140 

4,567,053 

7,984,985 

1822 

28,061,169 

13,318,951 

4,761,299 

5,578,782 

8,075,152 

1823 

80,736,432 

11,018,552 

4,424,874 

4,361,058 

7,622,340 

1824 

33,432,084 

10,874,914 

5,813,694 

4,647,071 

13,701,936 

1825 

81,812,617 

18,422,027 

6,746,952 

6,068,394 

12,033,364 

1826 

33,424,621 

18,303,501 

8,960,158 

9,474,987 

11,214,640 

1827 

30,938,836 

17,764,359 

6,457,161 

8,549,409 

14,320,186 

1828 

38,682,905 

17,624,859 

6,170,045 

9,855,677 

14,497,330 

1829 

89,219,602 

16,099,099 

6,098,138 

11,901,656 

17,461,918 

1830 

40,663,805 

11,610,290 

7,608,076 

12,924,145 

16,045,782 

1831 

44,022,057 

8,674,681 

10,808,040 

16,251,267 

17,297,041 

1832 

66,293,707 

2,200 

7,038,023 

21,3^5,724 

22,761,434 

1833 

61,695,913 

.... 

8,951,847 

17,518,217 

20,847,749 

1834 

54,911,461 

.... 

10,031,257 

19,208,379 

10,828,550 

1835 

51,808,739 

15,708,369 

17,339,797 

11,756,905 

1836 

59,232,445 

.... 

3,417,988 

23,075,422 

5,061,456 

1837 

57893,709 

2,638,449 

11,477,968 

2,332,409 

1838 

45,258,571 

14,862,108 

3,770,842 

6,768,067 

2,616,713 

1839 

41,618,637 

17,957,497 

4,153,607 

5,982,621 

6,779,394 

1840 

36,839,593 

16,316,419 

1,469,674 

6,695,861 

3,328,521 

1841 

20,942,508 

10,822,717 

2,569,705 

7,157,517 

2,970,069 

April,  1841 

19,349,079 

10,913,240 

756,454 

3,249,576 

1,462,239 

We  find  here  that,  from  1819  to  the  election  of  General  Jackson 
in  1828,  the  discounts  of  the  bank  varied  but  little,  and  never  ran  so 
high  as  its  capital.  In  1828  it  increased  its  loans  $6,000,000,  and 
in  each  successive  year  up  to  1832,  there  was  a  large  increase  of 
loans  and  a  decrease  in  stocks.  For  a  period  of  five  years  there  is 
no  return  made  of  stock,  but  in  that  time  large  loans  were  made  on 
stocks.  In  March,  1835,  these  loans  were  34,797,936  ;  and  in  March, 
1836,  they  were  $20,000,000.  In  March,  1835,  the  loans  by  the 
Exchange  Committee  commenced,  and  ran  from  $6,000,000  to 
$8,000;000  in  two  years.  In  all  this  period  speculation  ran  very 
high.  The  State  loans  created  from  1830  to  1835  were  as  follows  : 


86  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 


STATE     STOCK     CREATED     FROM     1830     TO     1835. 

Louisiana, $7,335,000  Mississippi, $2,000,000 

Alabama, 2,200,000  Tennessee, 500,000 

Indiana, 1,890,000  Illinois, 600,000 

Ohio, 1,701,000  Virginia, 686,000 

Maryland, 4,210,311  Maine,    554,976 

Pennsylvania, 16,130,003  New- York, 2,204,979 

Total, $40,012,769 

United  States  Bank  bills  were  paid  oat  on  those  stocks  to  a  great 
extent,  and  they  thereby  got  an  immense  circulation,  which  ranged 
near  $23,000,000  in  1836.  The  credits  created  thereby  went  far  to 
support  the  exchanges.  In  1832  the  immense  fund  that  had  yearly 
been  thrown  off  by  the  payments  on  the  public  debt  ceased  by, an 
extinguishment.  In  1833  the  deposits  were  removed,  and  the  bank 
proceeded  to  curtail  the  loans  on  mercantile  paper  ;  and  as  it  did  so, 
employed  its  funds  on  stock  loans.  Hence  the  discounts  in  1835  had 
decreased  $15,000,000,  and  the  stock  loans,  according  to  the  late 
Committe  report,  were  $20,000,000,  while  the  specie  had  accumu 
lated  to  $15,000,000.  In  1838,  according  to  the  table,  there  was  a 
further  reduction  of  $14,000,000  in  discounts,  and  an  increase  of 
$15,000,000  in  the  stock  account.  In  the  following  year  the  same 
feature  was  apparent.  The  whole  contraction  of  loans  from  1833  to 
the  present  time  is  $49,000,000,  which  of  course  was  good.  The 
remaining  $19,000,000  is  the  refuse ;  and  when  we  take  into  con 
sideration  the  circumstances  of  its  creation,  it  may  be  put  down  as 
worthless.  The  late  report  states  that  "  very  little  of  it  is  mercan 
tile  paper."  The  details  of  these  bills  would  be  very  interesting. 

From  1835  to  1838,  the  creation  of  State  stock  amounted  to 
$108,423,808,  almost  all  the  States  participating.  Under  the  infla 
tion  of  the  bank,  the  fictitious  business  had  become  so  great  as  to 
absorb  all  the  bills  based  upon  these  credits.  The  banks  stopped, 
their  paper  became  depreciated,  and  the  exchanges  fell  into  confusion. 

Although  the  bank  called  in  its  loans  on  regular  paper  after  1833, 
it  re-loaned  the  money  on  stocks.  The  officers  speculated  with  it  in 
all  kinds  of  ways,  and  when,  in  1836,  the  charter  was  to  be  paid  for, 


THE   FISCAL  SPEECH.  87 

the  bank  was  obliged  to  borrow  $5,000,000  in  London,  and  12,500,000 
francs  in  France.  The  creation  of  stock  gave  to  each  section  an  ex 
cess  of  credit  on  the  financial  centre  of  the  Union,  that  of  itself 
regulated  exclianges,  and  would  have  done  so  in  the  hands  of  private 
dealers,  without  a  national  bank ;  and  exchanges  would  have  worked 
as  regularly  as  they  do  throughout  Europe  without  any  bank. 

Now,  sir,  let  us  hear  no  more  of  the  beneficent  opera 
tion  of  the  old  bank.  It  is  dead,  but  its  disastrous  con 
sequences  still  live. 

We  need  not  a  Government  bank  to  regulate 
exchanges  ;  they  are  regulated  by  the  immutable  laws 
of  nature — by  supply  and  demand.  Artificial  remedies 
for  currency  disorders  are  like  artificial  stimulants  to 
the  prostrate  animal — the  resuscitation,  to  be  permanent 
and  healthful,  must  be  produced  by  the  inherent  vigor 
of  the  system,  which  depends  upon  the  inherent  vitality 
of  itself.  What  is  exchange  ?  It  is  simply  the  transfer 
of  property  or  its  representative.  If  banks  confine 
their  business  to  the  legitimate  objects  of  their  creation — 
making  loans  upon  short  bond  fide  business  paper,  and 
no  other — exchanges  can  not  be  deranged,  because  then 
the  notes  discounted  represent  commodity ;  capital  is 
loaned,  and  not  credit — which,  as  all  writers  on  com 
mercial  banking  agree,  is  the  only  thing  a  bank  should 
loan.  We  require  nothing  to  regulate  exchanges,  if  our 
nine  hundred  banks  do  their  duty ;  but  if  they  will 
only  in  part  perform  it — one  portion  of  the  country- 
suspending,  and  the  other  paying  specie — the  exchanges 
will  become  disturbed,  and  human  ingenuity  can  not 
devise  a  national  bank  to  remedy  the  difficulty. 

But,  sir,  granting  that  every  merit  you  claim  for  a 
national  bank  was  well  founded,  and  that  it  would  per- 


88  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FEENANDO  WOOD. 

form  all  the  beneficent  action  promised,  it  can  not  "be  put 
into  successful  operation,  nor  can  it  ever  obtain  public 
confidence.  The  people  of  our  country  have  had  a  sur 
feit  of  their  banking  system.  Of  all  the  evils  of  corrupt 
legislation,  the  creation  of  banks,  whether  State  or  na 
tional,  has  been  the  worst.  I  think  the  assertion  can  be 
established,  that  nearly  all,  if  not  all  the  periodical  de 
rangement  in  our  monetary  affairs  has  had  its  origin  in  it. 
Banks  appear  to  be  the  instruments  selected  by  man  to 
subvert  God's  blessings.  Look  abroad  upon  the  face  of 
our  beautiful  country ;  see  its  expanse  of  empire,  stretch 
ing  almost  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  of  the  sun ;  its 
climate  of  every  variety — the  soft  zephyrs  of  the  South, 
and  stern  frigidity  of  the  North  ;  its  soil  sending  forth 
spontaneously,  almost  without  the  force  of  man's  labor, 
the  richest  products  of  earth's  bosom ;  its  bounteous 
supply  of  rivers  for  navigation,  and  watering-streams 
for  tillage ;  its  mighty  oak,  for  the  construction  of  the 
world's  commerce,  and  the  skill  and  energy  for  its 
speedy  monopoly.  And  were  these  not  given — had 
God.  not  lavished  upon  us  these  gifts  —  look  at  the 
governmental  fabric  bequeathed  to  us  by  "  the  sires  of 
whom  we  are  the  degenerate  posterity  !'•'  See  its  adapt 
ation  to  our  physical  and  mental  being;  its  invisible 
operation  upon  our  cohesion  and  fraternity.  Again: 
see  the  resources  of  our  strong  arms,  native  intellects, 
and  indomitable  enterprise,  raising  us  aloft  in  all  the 
attributes  of  gifted  man ;  but,  alas !  turned  upon  our 
selves,  the  weapons  of  our  own  destruction — the  engines 
by  which  we  perpetrate  a  suicide  upon  our  own  pros 
perity.  It  is  ourselves,  then,  and  not  God,  who  produce, 
by  the  creation  of  credit,  and  not  capital,  the  evils  of 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH.  89 

which  we  complain.  The  munificent  Bestower  of  all 
blessings  has  allotted  to  our  portion  of  his  domain,  fair 
verdure,  congenial  climate,  and  individual  adaptation  of 
character ;  but  by  our  own  hands  have  we  fallen  victims 
to  the  abuse  of  what  was  intended  as  blessings,  sacrificed 
by  legislation,  destroyed  by  turning  our  back  upon  the 
benevolence  of  God,  looking  to  banks  and  not  industry. 

Sir,  do  you  know  what  banks  have  cost  the  people  ? 
I  will  show  you. 

In  a  report  made  to  this  House  by  the  Committee  of 
"Ways  and  Means  in  1830,  it  was  estimated  that,  previous 
to  1817,  the  Government  lost  by  loans  made  to  it  in 
depreciated  currency,  and  paid  in  specie,  $33,OOOrOOO 

The  late  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  a 
report  to  the  Senate,  tells  us  that,  since 
then,  the  Government  has  lost  ....  15,492,000 

That  the  people  have  lost  directly  by 
bank  failures, 108,885,721 

Losses  by  suspensions  of  specie  pay 
ments  by  banks,  and  consequent  deprecia 
tion  on  their  notes,  95,000,000 

Losses  by  destruction  of  bank-notes  by 
accidents, 7,121,332 

Losses  by  counterfeit  bank-notes,  beyond 
losses  by  coin, 4,444,444 

Losses  by  fluctuations  in  bank  currency 
affecting  prices,  extravagance  in  living,  sac 
rifices  -of  property,  and  by  only  a  part  of 
the  other  incidents  to  the  banking  system, 
not  computed  above,  at  least 150,000,000 

$413,943,497 


90  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

But,  sir,  we  do  not  stop  here.  This  is  an  enormous 
aggregate,  but  this  is  not  all.  The  losses  by  fictitious 
banks  and  their  notes — operations  of  mere  swindling — 
are  very  considerable ;  and  they  are  justly  chargeable 
to  our  system  of  paper  currency.  Besides,  there  are 
frauds,  robberies,  and  defalcations,  connected  with  the 
banks,  which  might  be  properly  set  down  under  this 
head :  but  these  are  not  easy  to  compute. 

The  amount  paid  by  the  country  to  the  banks,  during 
the  last  ten  years,  for  the  use  of  their  agency  and  their 
notes,  after  deducting  six  per  cent,  interest  for  the  use  of 
bank  capital  and  the  reasonable  expenses  of  managing 
the  banks,  is  computed  at  $94,000,000 ;  being  an  annual 
sum  of  $9,400,000. 

Of  the  aggregate  losses  sustained  by  the  commu 
nity  since  1789,  Mr.  "Woodbury  computes  that  there 
must  have  happened  within  the  last  ten  years  an  amount 
of  $200,000,000;  which  is  at  the  annual  rate  of 
$20,000,000. 

Is  not  this  a  frightful  exhibit  of  what  banks  have 
cost  the  people  ?  But  it  is  not  all.  Where  is  the  gath 
erer  of  statistics  who  will  attempt  to  compute  the  losses 
sustained  by  men  who,  seduced  from  the  small  earnings 
of  an  honest  avocation,  have  been  insnared  into  the 
temptation  of  a  bank  discount?  What  master  hand 
shall  delineate  the  wreck  of  morals  and  loss  of  character, 
to  say  nothing  of  domestic  happiness,  produced  thereby  ? 
Who  will  furnish  us  a  record  of  the  defalcations,  for 
geries,  dishonest  self-appropriations,  with  which  our 
press  is  almost  daily  teeming  ?  Sir,  these  are  evils  of 
the  system.  The  wisdom  of  this,  or  any  other  country, 


THE  FISCAL  SPEECH.  91 

never  created  banks,  as  such,  without  these  concomitants. 
These  evils  appear  to  be  a  necessary  consequence — a 
certain  result.  Is  it  not  strange,  then,  we  find  in  this 
House  advocates  for  a  bank  as  an  agent  of  the  Govern 
ment — as  a  keeper  of  the  public  finances — men  willing 
to  strike  from  existence  a  law  with  which  they  have 
not,  and  can  not  justly  find  fault ;  and  place  in  its  stead 
one,  the  result  of  which  all  experience  proves  is  pregnant 
with  the  worst  of  evils — the  very  impersonation  of  na 
tional  disaster  ? 

But,  sir,  in  conclusion,  let  me  say,  Go  on — pass  this 
bill — charter  your  bank — fasten  this  iniquity  upon  the 
country ;  the  mighty  shout  of  repeal  has  gone  forth 
from  my  lion-hearted  constituency.  Ay !  repeal !  re 
peal  ! !  repeal ! ! !  From  that  ground  from  whence  first 
floated  to  the  winds  the  bright  banner  of  "  Divorce  of 
Bank  and  State" — borne  aloft  by  the  stout  arms  and 
honest  hearts  of  the  down-trodden,  but  indignant  mass 
es — now  is  heard,  trumpet-tongued,  the  voice  of  REPEAL. 
New- York  has  spoken:  she  never  speaks  in  vain.  I 
echo  her  voice  in  these  halls.  It  is  the  proudest  moment 
of  my  life  that  I  have  been  the  first  in  this  debate  to 
ring  into  the  ears  of  great  men's  satellites  :  "  Bind  the 
chains  of  this  bank  upon  us,  and  the  Democracy  will 
rend  them  asunder  by  a  speedy  repeal  of  its  charter." 


CHAPTER      IX. 

CONGRESS  —  THE  TARIFF  SPEECH. 

AMONG  other  questions  which  were  greatly  discussed 
in  this  Congress  was  the  question  of  the  tariff;  a  point 
which  has  produced  more  excitement  and  agitation,  and 
has  excited  more  bitter  feeling  between  North  and 
South  than  any  other  matter,  except  slavery.  Mr.  Clay 
had  already  promulgated  the  doctrine  of  protection  for 
American  labor,  and  by  his  extraordinary  ability  and 
commanding  eloquence,  succeeded  in  creating  and  sus 
taining  a  powerful  party  around  him. 

Although  himself  a  slaveholder,  and  an  uncompro 
mising  enemy  of  Abolitionism,  his  great  talents  brought 
to  his  side  the  manufacturing  interests  of  the  North  and 
East,  regions  so  hostile  to  slavery.  According  to  the 
prevailing  fashion  with  questions  started  by  great  states 
men,  this  too  became  a  matter  of  party,  and  fealty  to 
party  dictated  the  position  to  be  taken  by  the  popular 
representatives. 

The  Democratic  party  opposed  Clay's  doctrine  on  the 
ground  that  American  labor,  being  able  to  compete  with 
the  industry  of  the  whole  world,  it  needed  no  protection 
from  discriminating  imposts  or  duties  in  its  favor — that 


CONGRESS  —  THE  TAEIFF  SPEECH.  93 

every  dollar  of  duty  levied  by  Government  upon  imports, 
beyond  the  money  absolutely  needed  for  governmental 
expenses,  was  taken  from  the  pockets  of  the  whole  peo 
ple  to  benefit  a  single  class,  to  wit,  the  manufacturers. 
Clay  and  his  followers  said  that  American  labor  should 
be  protected  against  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe,  with 
many  another  strong  argument.  And  the  excitement 
throughout  the  country  was  great  in  this  matter. 

The  Democratic  party  had  sustained  an  immense  de 
feat.  Not  only  was  Mr.  Van  Buren  ousted  from  the  Pre 
sidential  chair,  but  the  Whigs  had  elected  both  Houses  of 
Congress  by  a  decided  majority.  The  Democratic  ma 
jority  in  the  lower  House  was  only  twenty -five.  Mr. 
"Wood's  district,  a  commercial  one,  was  from  its  interests 
anti-tariff,  and  opposed  to  obstructions  of  foreign  com 
merce,  such  as  discriminating  duties  on  foreign  manu 
factures.  Mr.  Clay  found  against  him  the  commercial, 
importing,  and  shipping  interests  of  New-York.  Mr. 
Wood  went  with  his  constituents. 

Mr.  Clay's  party,  among  other  things,  instructed  the 
Committee  on  Manufactures  to  send  for  witnesses  who 
might  bear  testimony  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff  laws, 
etc.,  which  Committee  being  known  to  be  in  favor  of  a 
tariff,  was  not  thought  likely  to  be  influenced  by  any 
adverse  testimony.  Mr.  White,  of  Kentucky,  a  warm 
partisan  of  Clay,  had  formed  the  Committee  in  further 
ance  of  the  project,  and  the  mover  for  the  testimony, 
Mr.  Saltonstall,  of  Massachusetts,  who  represented  a 
manufacturing  district,  knew  that  the  Committee  would 
report  in  favor  of  the  tariff. 

These  instructions,  Mr.  Wood  opposed  in  the  speech 


94:  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

which  follows,  and  with  so  great  success,  that  imme 
diately  on  resuming  his  seat,  it  was  moved  by  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  of  North- Carolina,  that  the  resolution  be  laid  upon 
the  table.  This  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  twenty- 
nine,  in  a  House  almost  entirely  Whig  and  Protectionist. 

SPEECH 

ON   THE 

OPERATION     OF    THE     TARIFF    LAWS. 
DELITEBED  FEB.  9,  1842. 

MR.  SALTONSTALL,  from  the  Committee  on  Manufac 
tures,  reported  the  following  resolution : 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Manufactures  be  authorized  to 
send  for  witnesses  and  take  testimony  on  the  subject  of  the  present 
tariff  laws,  their  operation  upon  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  the 
alterations  which  those  interests  require. 

Which  being  under  consideration, 

Mr.  Wood  rose,  and  addressed  the  House,  in  substance 
as  follows : 

Mr.  SPEAKER  :  I  am  in  favor  of  all  information  which 
it  is  possible  to  gather  upon  this  important  question,  and 
desire,  as  earnestly  as  any  gentleman,  that  every  legal 
and  just  means  be  taken  to  procure  it.  I  am  willing  to 
go  far,  very  far,  to  obtain  light ;  for  none  more  than 
myself  believes  it  is  required.  Of  all  questions  affecting 
individual  and  Government  interests,  directly  or  indi 
rectly,  that  is  paramount;  therefore  light  should  be 
had,  that  we  may  legislate  knowingly  and  understand- 
ingly.  This  House,  of  all  the  world,  requires  it.  The 


THE  TARIFF  SPEECH.  95 

discussion  of  the  revenue  bill  of  last  session,  and  motion 
of  reference  of  the  tariff  portion  of  the  President's  mes 
sage  this  session,  have  convinced  me  we  have  too  little 
of  the  requisite  knowledge.  We  are  lamentably  igno 
rant  of  the  practical  operation  of  our  import  system,  or 
in  what  respect  it  needs  modification  or  alteration.  The 
country  is  in  want  of  light.  The  manufacturing  districts 
should  have  the  light  of  reason  and  experience,  to  show 
them  the  fallacy  of  submitting  their  interests  to  the  con 
trol  and  jurisdiction  of  demagogues.  And  from  whence 
must  it  come  ?  From  practical  men,  of  all  classes,  pro 
fessions,  and  occupations.  The  dreamy  theorist  of  the 
old  world,  or  one-sided,  interested  advocates  of  this, 
can  not,  if  they  would,  impart  it  to  us.  It  must  be 
drawn  from  a  philosophic  study  and  comparison  of  facts, 
and  not  from  inventive  political  economists.  "We  must 
go  into  an  investigation  as  expansive  and  deep  as  will 
be  the  bearing  of  our  decision  upon  the  interests  of  the 
people  and  prosperity  of  the  Government.  All  men 
must  give  us  the  result  of  their  experience.  In  dispos 
ing  of  a  question  which  involves  every  interest — the 
ramifications  of  which  extend  to  every  man,  woman 
and  child  in  the  nation — which  is  inseparably  connected 
with  and  controls  the  public  treasury,  a  precise  and 
positive  knowledge  is  unquestionably  indispensable. 

There  must  be  no  surmises,  no  guessing,  no  specula 
tion.  Facts,  indisputable  and  beyond  impeachment, 
must  be  the  basis  of  our  action.  I  would  examine  the 
merchant.  I  would  ask  him  how  and  in  what  manner 
a  high  tariff  affects  commerce ;  whether  a  tariff  suffi 
ciently  high  for  protection  is  not  inconsistent  with  a 


96  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

tariff  for  revenue  ;  whether  tariffs  should  be  discriminat 
ing,  or  an  unvarying  ad  valorem;  how  the  English 
warehousing  system,  and  the  proposed  home  valuation, 
would  be  adapted  to  this  country,  and  what  rate  of 
duties  would  best  prevent  smuggling  and  other  invasions 
of  the  revenue  laws,  and  the  other  numerous  inquiries 
of  detail.  I  would  ask  the  agriculturist  under  which 
system,  high  or  low  duties,  the  native  products  of  the 
soil  would  find  the  most  advantageous  market ;  whether 
he  was  willing  to  pay  an  additional  tax  upon  imple 
ments  of  husbandry,  not  to  raise  revenue  by  which  to 
meet  necessary  national  disbursements,  but  add  to  the 
already  large  profits  of  manufacturers;  and  whether 
a  restrictive  duty  on  foreign  importations  would  not  in 
time  cut  off  much  of  the  foreign  demand  for  his  own 
productions?  The  manufacturer  should  be  consulted. 
I  would  ask  him  whether,  without  protection,  under 
low  duties,  with  a  business  insuring  a  fair  remunera 
tion,  his  interest  would  be  subserved  by  encouraging 
the  competition  and  rivalry  of  speculating  adventurers ; 
if  in  those  countries  of  Europe  where  the  restrictive 
policy  had  been  thrown  off,  the  manufacturers  had  not 
surely  flourished  in  proportion  to  advantages  of  material 
and  labor ;  and  if  American  manufacturers  can  not  sub 
sist  and  flourish  without  the  aid  of  Government,  by 
what  right  •  does  it  demand  a  tax  upon  the  whole  indus 
trial  as  well  as  non-producing  population  for  its  particu 
lar  benefit.  I  would  ask  whether  he  was  ready  to  admit 
that,  with  our  free  institutions,  superior  industry,  inge 
nuity,  and  advantages  of  home-raised  raw  material,  we 
could  not  compete  with  European  monarchies  ?  And  I 


THE  TARIFF  SPEECH.  07 

would  now  appeal  to  the  consumer  of  all  classes  and 
occupations — to  the  backwoodsman  of  the  Far  West, 
and  the  sturdy  operatives  of  the  Atlantic  cities. 

Of  the  hardy  pioneer,  whose  capital  is  as  much  in  the 
ax  as  the  sinews  which  deal  the  blows,  I  would  learn 
how  he  is  affected — whether  he  is  willing  the  instru 
ments  with  which  he  levels  the  mighty  oak  of  the  forest, 
and  the  weapons  with  which  he   drives  its   original 
owners  from  their  coverts,  may  be  taxed  to  build  up 
and  cherish  Eastern  monopolizing,  manufacturing  cor 
porations.     Sir,  in  part,  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  a 
large  manufacturing  district ;  for  I  contend  that  he  who 
planes  a  board,  or  makes  a  shoe,  or  constructs  any  work 
of  art  or  mechanism  from  prepared  or  raw  material,  is 
as  much  a  manufacturer  as  the  denizens  of  your  New- 
England  associations,  and  should  be  as  much  consulted. 
To  the  manufacturers,  or,  in  another  word,  the  mechan 
ics  of  the  city  of  New- York,  I  would  apply — I  would 
ask  them  whether  they  desire  that  the  doctrine  of  pro 
tection  be  put  into  practical  operation,  and  that  the  fos 
tering  care  of  Government  be  exerted  for  their  particular 
benefit,  to  the  detriment  of  every  other  class,  and  destruc 
tion  of  our  present  means  of  raising  revenue  ?  e  Whether 
they  are  willing  to  carry  out  the  principles  of  the  Home 
League,  by  paying  thirty  dollars  for  a  coat  which  pre 
viously  had  cost  but  twenty -five?     I  know  them  too 
well  to  do  them  the  injustice  not  to  anticipate  their 
answer.     They  require  no  protection  but  the  reward  of 
honest  industry.     They  come  not  to  .your  halls  for  fos 
tering  care.   If  there  is  a  favor  they  would  ask  or  accept 
at  your  hands,  it  is  non-interference — to  let  them  alone — 
5 


98  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

to  cease  your  officious  intermeddling,  and,  least  of  all, 
keep  away  the  protection  of  a  high  tariff,  which  they 
look  upon  as 

"Such  protection  as  vultures  give  to  lambs — 
Covering  and  devouring  them." 

They  will  turn  to  you  and  say,  "  Gentlemen,  last  ses- 
.sion  you  squandered  the  public  treasure  upon  bankrupt, 
profligate  States,  giving  away,  in  a  corrupt  bargain,  that 
which  cost  our  fathers  blood  and  treasure,  and  now 
come  to  us  with  the  conciliatory  notes  of  kindness,  with 
a  base  bribe  to  buy  our  favor.  We  will  none  of  it. 
We  question  that  the  policy  of  high  duties  is  beneficial 
to  us ;  but  we  know,  if  it  were  so,  that  it  is  iniquitous7 
anti-democratic,  and  unequal.  We  have  principles 
dearer  to  us  than  pecuniary  advantage.  We  would  not 
have  you  destroy  the  harmony  of  the  glorious  and  beau 
tiful  Union,  or  do  aught  to  impair  the  fabric  of  our  po 
litical  existence,  to  put  in  our  pockets  the  wealth  of  the 
Indies.  We  are  no  dollar-and-cent  patriots  ;  they  may 
be  found  in  your  marble  palaces,  but  not  in  our  obscure 
workshops.  It  is  true  we  produce  every  thing  and  get 
nothing,  "and  you  produce  nothing  and  get  every  thing ; 
yet  your  injustice  to  us  shall  not  compel  us  to  be  unjust 
to  others."  This  would  be  their  answer,  as  it  would,  if 
I  mistake  not,  the  answer  of  the  same  class  throughout 
the  Union. 

Sir,  I  am  in  favor  of  getting,  in  this  manner,  the  facts 
upon  which  to  base  our  action,  but  object  to  the  medium 
through  which  it  is  proposed  by  this  resolution  to  pro 
cure  them.  I  am  not  willing  to  trust  the  Committee  on 


THE  TARIFF  SPEECH.  99 

Manufactures,  as  now  organized,  with  the  power  of  mak 
ing  those  inquiries;  better  have  no  investigation,  and 
depend  upon  the  lights  of  our  own  experience,  than  be 
fatally  misled.  In  searching  for  facts,  let  us  beware  of 
false  facts.  If  we  desire  to  enter  the  haven  safely,  let 
us  take  pilots  whose  interest  or  enmity  will  not  drive  us 
upon  the  beach.  I  can  not  give  my  vote  to  intrust  this 
responsible  and  important  duty  to  the  Committee  on 
Manufactures. 

It  is  no  small  part  of  our  legislative  rights  that  this 
resolution  asks  shall  be  given  them.  Under  an  ingenious 
construction  of  the  Constitution,  power  can  be  found  in 
it  to  do  almost  any  thing,  in  the  name  of  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives  of  the  United  States ;  it  can  command 
the  attendance  of  witnesses,  whether  for  real  or  pretended 
examination,  and  institute  an  inquisitorial  scrutiny  into 
accounts  and  papers.  In  many  ways  it  can,  if  it  will, 
encroach  upon  the  rights  and  property  of  citizens.  Nor 
is  this  all.  Admitting  no  individual  rights  were  violated, 
.  I  ask  if  it  is,  as  now  composed,  two  thirds  of  its  mem 
bers  having  pre-judged,  representing  constituents  loudly 
clamorous  for  protection ;  I  ask,  is  it  the  proper  Commit 
tee  to  undertake  this  inquiry  ?  It  is  truly  and  emphati 
cally  a  Committee  for  protection.  Let  us  look  into  the 
districts  of  a  majority  of  the  members.  The  honorable 
chairman  (Mr.  Saltonstall)  has,  in  the  two  counties 
which  he  is  set  down  in  the  Congressional  Directory  as 
representing,  19,567  persons  engaged  in  manufactures 
and  trades.  . 

[Here  Mr.  Saltonstall  inquired  of  Mr.  Wood  what 
portion  of  them  were  engaged  in  mechanics,  and  what 


100  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

portion  in  trading.  He  said  his  district  was  commercial, 
agricultural,  and  navigating,  and  that  he  premised  the 
gentleman  from  New- York  (Mr.  W.)  was  mistaken  in 
his  district.] 

Mr.  Speaker,  for  the  counties  composing  the  gentle 
man's  district,  I  quote  from  the  Congressional  Directory, 
furnished  to  this  House  by  its  officers,  and  for  the  statis 
tics  from  the  sixth  census,  recently  taken.  I  presume 
the  authority  is  good — it  has  never  before  been  ques 
tioned.  The  next  member  is  the  gentleman  from  Ehode- 
Island,  (Mr.  Tillinghast).  In  the  county  of  his  resi 
dence,  (Providence,)  I  find  there  are  14,302  persons 
engaged  in  manufactures  and  trades,  although  its  whole 
industrial  population,  including  all  employments  and 
professions,  is  but  24,645.  The  gentleman  and  one  col 
league  represent  the  whole  State,  in  which  there  are  but 
five  counties.  So  in  truth  he  is  the  representative  of,  it 
is  safe  to  estimate,  in  all,  at  least  double  that  number. 
The  next  on  the  Committee  is  the  gentleman  from  New- 
Jersey,  (Mr.  Kandolph.)  Himself  and  five  colleagues 
are  elected  by  general  ticket.  He  has  no  district.  The 
whole  State  had  27,004  engaged  in  manufactures  and 
trades,  which,  giving  him  one  sixth,  make  him -the  re 
presentative  of  over  4500. 

We  come  now,  sir,  to  the  distinguished  advocate  of 
high  protection  and  abolition,  the  gentleman  of  Ver 
mont,  (Mr.  Slade.)  He  is  set  down  as  representing  Eut- 
land  and  Addison  counties,  which  have,  together,  2232 
of  the  same  class.  The  fifth  is  my  colleague  from  Kens- 
selaer  county,  (Mr.  Hunt,)  who  has  4787  in  his  district. 
The  sixth  is  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  (Mr. 


THE  TARIFF   SPEECH.  101 

1 

Henry,)  who  represents  2612.  There  are  but  nine 
members  on  the  Committee.  The  branches  of  industry 
and  principal  business  of  the  constituency  of  six  of 
them,  are  here  shown.  They  are  gentlemen  elected  to 
this  House  by  manufacturing  districts,  for  the  avgwed 
purpose  of  procuring  from  Congress  a  high  tariff  for 
protection.  They  are  fully  committed  to  the  advocacy  of 
such  a  law.  Had  they  not  been,  their  seats  would  now 
have  other  occupants.  They  could  not  have  been  elected 
holding  opinions  adverse  to  the  opinions  of  their  people. 
Those  opinions  have  been  repeatedly  expressed,  accom 
panied  by  uncompromising  demands  of  protection.  I 
repeat,  therefore,  this  is  a  Committee  of  protection — for 
an  ultra  high  tariff. 

Now,  sir,  is  this  the  proper  medium  through  which 
to  collect  the  necessary  information  to  guide  us  to  a  fair, 
equal  and  wise  disposition  of  the  tariff  question  ?  It  is 
not!  A  large  majority  of  its  members  would  go  into 
the  investigation  with  interests  and  prejudices  mislead 
ing  their  judgments  and  controlling  their  decisions. 
Local  preferences  would  be  consulted*  The  political 
power  which  created  and  can  destroy,  would  have  the 
preponderance.  That  comprehensive  view  of  this  wide 
spread  country,  with  its  diversified  and  delicate  inter 
ests,  could  not  be  taken.  All  classes  and  occupations 
would  not  alike  be  called  upon  for  evidence  ;  nor  would 
the  evidence  collected  receive  dispassionate  considera 
tion.  A  report  would  be  made  to  us  and  go  forth  to 
the  country,  with  all  tjie  authority  of  a  Congressional 
document,  with  false  inductions  from  doubtful  facts.  Is 
the  House  prepared  to  give  this  power  to  the  men  who 


102  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

ask  it  ? — to  place  in  the  custody  of  the  representatives 
of  one  class^the  vital  interest  of  all  other  classes.  Will 
the  people  support  us  in  it  if  we  do  ?  I  think  not.  The 
gentleman  from  Rhode-Island  (Mr.  Tillinghast)  tells  us 
the  power  is  safely  intrusted,  for  we  give  it  to  honorable 
men.  It  may  be  so.  I  question  no  man's  honor ;  but 
has  the  honorable  gentleman  forgotten  that  the  most 
beautiful  object  in  nature  will  appear  hideous  if  seen 
through  a  jaundiced  vision  ?  How  often  have  men's 
passions  made  the  brightest  truth  seem  to  them  the  foul 
est  falsehood  ?  Who  does  not  remember  the  error, 
misery,  and  bloodshed,  which  have  been  perpetrated  in 
the  world  by  counsels  that  had  pre-judged  ?  Or  is  the 
judicature  of  the  holy  inquisition  forgotten,  whose  vic 
tims  passed  through  the  form  and  ceremonies  of  trial, 
before  judges,  who,  out  of  their  own  evidences,  adjudged 
the  innocent  to  torture  ?  But,  that  the  application  be 
more  direct,  who  would  willingly  submit  a  cause  at 
common  law  to  the  decision  of  a  jury  of  opponents  ?  or 
what  member  of  this  House  would  like  his  general  vera 
city  tested  by  the  testimony  of  personal  enemies  ? 

The  case  is  plain.  The  Committee  on  Manufactures 
are  one-sided  and  partialr  We  must  have  an  unbiased 
investigation  or  none.  We  want  light,  not  darkness ; 
and,  sir,  it  is  not  the  evil  which  may  be  inflicted  now, 
the  erroneous  opinions  that  may  spring  up  in  an  honest 
community  at  this  time,  or  the  improper  turn  to  be  given 
to  present  legislation,  that  excites  all  my  fears.  I  look 
to  posterity.  It  is  our  duty  to  ihe  "  generations  which 
come  after  us,"  not  to  hang  out  false  lights.  Legislators 
are  wedded  to  precedents  and  the  quotations  of  authori- 


THE  TARIFF  SPEECH.  1Q3 

ties.  Hand  not  down  to  our  children  the  record  of  their 
fathers  prostituting  every  thing  to  mammon.  This  report 
would  become  a  portion  of  our  parliamentary  history, 
and  go  to  the  world  and  after  ages  as  a  statement  of 
facts  with  warranted  inference.  It  will  gain  force  by 
time.  Hereafter,  when  years  may  have  obliterated  the 
data  by  which  to  expose  its  fallacies,  it  will  become,  if 
not  an  absolute  law,  certainly  a  powerful  weapon  with 
which  to  perpetuate  the  evil  now  effected.  These  are 
important  considerations. 

But,  Mr.  Speaker,  suppose  the  objections  here  urged 
against  the  present  character  of  the  Committee  cease  to 
operate  by  changing  its  members.  Let  us  imagine  it 
freed  from  the  charges  I  bring — in  all  things  irreproach 
able  and  unimpeachable,  without  prejudice,  interest,  or 
passion.  Is  there  time  at  this  session  to  perform  the 
work  ?.  There  is  not.  Witnesses  are  to  be  summoned 
from  beyond  the  White  Mountains  in  the  East — from 
the  Texan  border  in  the  South — the  frozen  regions  of 
the  North,  and  the  forests  and  prairies  of  the  West — 
American  citizens,  alike  interested  in  our  impost  system 
of  taxation,  are  to  be  drawn  from  their  homes,  separated 
by  more  than  a  thousand  leagues.  Innumerable  ques 
tions  of  detail,  as  well  as  general  principles,  are  to  be 
asked  practical  merchants  from  different  seaports.  An 
almost  incredible  amount  of  commercial  intelligence  is 
necessary  to  commence  the  basis  of  the  proposed  struc 
ture,  and  it  can  only  come  from  the  enlightened  of  those 
who  have  learned  by  experience.  This  is  a  wide  field 
of  investigation,  demanding  careful  and  exact  inquiry. 
The  manufacturers  have  much  to  impart;  they  have 


1X)4  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

honest  differences  upon  cardinal  points,  which  should  be 
entertained  and  reconciled ;  their  several  classes  are  to 
be  consulted.  The  agriculturist  would  have  mighty 
claims  upon  our  attention  :  this  noble  art  is  cultivated  in 
our  country  by  near  four  million  inhabitants,  whose  rapidly 
increasing  prosperity  begins  to  look  for  outlets  in  foreign 
markets.  Of  all  the  avocations  of  man,  tilling  the  soil 
is  most  legitimate,  and  in  accordance  with  his  nature. 
It  should  be  guaranteed  the  full  earnings  of  his  labor, 
and  the  imposition  of  indirect  taxes  be  freed  from  une 
qual  exactions. 

Is  it  possible  to  thoroughly  perform  this  duty  in  the 
most  extended  time  allowable  at  this  session?  How 
long  do  the  majority  intend  to  keep  us  at  the  Capitol  ? 
Eeference  was  made  yesterday  to  the  report  of  Mr. 
Hume  to  the  British  House  of  Commons.  It  is  argued 
that  that  report  had  been  the  work  of  far  less  time  than 
was  necessary  in  our  instance.  I  am  glad  the  advocates 
of  this  resolution  have  alluded  to  that  precedent.  If 
they  are  so  chained  to  the  examples  of  British  legisla 
tion,  I  wish  them  more  judgment  in  their  selections. 
For  myself,  I  repudiate  the  policy  of  drawing  upon 
English  habits  and  English  customs,  whether  social  or 
political.  I  desire  that  some  of  these  days  we  may  be 
come  less  dependent  and  menial.  I  know  it  is  said,  by 
the  friends  of  Britain  upon  this  side  of  the  Atlantic — 
and  she  has  many — that  our  interests  are  inseparable. 
I  deny  it.  The  true  interest  of  America  is  to  sever  all. 
connection  with  the  worn-out  and  rotten  monarchies  of 
Europe — to  be  as  independent  in  her  pecuniary  relations 
as  she  is  gloriously  independent  in  her  political  relations. 


THE  TAKIFF  SPEECH.  105 

As  she  rests  upon  no  nation  on  earth  to  assist  her  in 
maintaining  and  carrying  out  the  undying  truths  of 
democracy,  so  should  she  rest  on  no  nation  on  earth  in 
assisting  her  in  the  simple  walks  of  republican  legisla 
tion.  We  have  the  examples  set  us  by  the  able  and 
patriotic  sires  of  their  country.  Our  own  few.  Congres 
sional  archives  will  furnish  guides  enough  for  the  fall 
deliberation  of  laws  adapted  to  freemen.  When  we  go 
back  again  to  bondage,  I  will  not  complain  of  gentlemen 
who  seek  to  adopt  the  rules  of  bondsmen  to  the  abey 
ance  of  freed  men.  But  Mr.  Hume's  report  has  been 
referred  to.  I  .accept  the  issue.  What  are  the  particu 
lars  of  its  history  ?  On  the  6th  of  May,  1840,  by  a 
resolution  of  the  House  of  Commons,  a  select  Committee 
was  appointed,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Hume,  "to  inquire 
into  the  several  duties  levied  on  imports  into  the  United 
Kingdom,  and  how  far  those  duties  are  for  protection  to 
similar  articles,  the  product  of  manufacture  of  this 
country,  (Great  Britain,)  or  of  the  British  possessions 
abroad,  or  whether  the  duties  are  for  the  purposes  of 
revenue  alone ;  and  to  report  the  minutes  of  evidence 
taken,  to  the  House."  Upon  this  Committee  were  nine 
of  the  most  prominent  and  able  members  of  the  Com 
mons,  at  the  head  of  which  was  Mr.  Hume,  the  author 
of  the  proposition. 

I  have  no  data  of  the  day  upon  which  it  entered  upon 
its  duties,  but  suppose,  as  the  session  had  far  advanced, 
it  commenced  immediately.  Twenty-nine  witnesses  were 
examined,  each  of  whom  was  a  resident  of  London ;  not 
a  man  was  summoned  from  beyond  the  precincts  of  the 
capital.  Those  who  gave  testimony  were  at  the  door ; 
5* 


106  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO   WOOD. 

but  few  practical  men  underwent  examination,  and  in  no 
instance  was  the  investigation  lengthy  or  full.  Notwith 
standing  these  favorable  circumstances  to  a  short  and 
speedy  termination,  the  sittings  were  continued  until  the 
6th  of  August — precisely  three  months  from  the  day  of 
commencement.  Nor  were  the  Committee  satisfied  they 
had  accomplished  the  objects  of  their  creation.  We 
have  the  recorded  minutes  to  show  they  were  not.  At 
the  last  meeting,  when  the  report  was  formally  decided 
upon,  Sir  C.  Douglass,  a  member,  offered  the  following 
amendment :  "To  strike  out  all  after  the  first  word  of 
the  report,  and  insert :  '  the  evidence,  although  partial 
and  limited,  is  of  so  various  and  valuable  a  character,  that 
your  Committee  do  not  feel  they  should  be  justified  in 
expressing  any  opinion  founded  on  the  impressions  it  is 
calculated  to  create.  Your  Committee  consider  that  fur 
ther  information  ought  to  be  afforded,  before  they  can 
make  any  recommendation  as  the  result  of  their  labors, 
and  consequently  they  do  not  hesitate  to  suggest  the 
redppointment  of  a  committee,  early  in  the  next  session,  to 
continue  the  investigation  of  this  important  subject.'  " 
And  in  the  report,  as  finally  adopted  and  presented  to 
the  House,  I  find  an  admission  that,  "owing  to  the 
period  of  the  session  at  which  the  inquiry  was  begun, 
the  Committee  have  not  been  able  to  embrace  all  the 
several  branches,  which  come  within  the  scope  of  their 
instructions."  If  gentlemen  can  find  encouragement 
here  to  vote  a  similar  proposition  under  auspices  as  far 
adverse  to  the  procuration  of  reliable  results  as  can  well 
be,  then  their  confidence  in  miracles  is  much  greater 
than  my  own.  Mr.  Hume's  Committee  sat  three  months, 


THE  TARIFF  SPEECH.  107 

in  which  it  examined  twenty-nine  witnesses,  every  man 
of  whom  was  within  an  hour's  call,  and  finally  made  an 
admitted  exparte  report,  without  having  touched  "seve 
ral  branches  which  come  within  the  scope  of  their  in 
structions."  Now,  sir,  how  long  would  it  take  our 
Committee  on  Manufactures,  whose  witnesses  must  be 
called  from  far-distant  sections  of  our  empire,  and  whose 
inquiries  must  embrace  the  feelings,  views  and  predilec 
tions  of  people  as  opposite  in  sentiment  as  they  are  dis 
tant  in  geographical  position?  If  the  London  investi 
gation  took  three  months,  how  long  ought  ours,  pro  ratal 
Further  argument  upon  this  point  would  be  an  insult  to 
your  understandings.  It  is  obvious  there  is  not  time  to 
carry  out  this  scheme  properly,  were  it  possible  to  do  so 
with  such  a  committee,  and  make  a  report  for  action  at 
this  session  of  Congress.  Dog  days  would  be  upon  us 
before  these  gentlemen's  gathered  light  would  throw  its 
rays  upon  this  benighted  body,  and  it  would  be  really 
August  when  their  august  dignities  were  prepared  to 
render  an  account  of  their  stewardship. 

Mr.  Speaker,  my  friend  from  Tennessee,  (Mr.  Brown,) 
who  addressed  us  yesterday,  informed  the  House  that 
the  Committee  (of  which  he  is  a  worthy  member,  and  to 
his  credit  let  me  add,  is  opposed  to  this  imprudent  re 
quest,)  have  been  already  receiving  volunteer  informa 
tion.  They  have  been  anticipating  our  action  by  open 
ing  the  doors  of  their  committee-room  to  the  swarms  of 
hungry  applicants  for  favor  who  invest  this  city.  I 
know  not  by  what  authority  this  is  done.  But  with 
authority  or  not,  it  can  not  influence  my  opinions.  If  it 
is  volunteer  testimony  they  require,  I  doubt  not  it  will 


108  BIOGRAPHY   OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

be  supplied.  Every  mail  from  the  East  is  loaded  with 
circulars  and  letters  from  parties  having  dollars  and  cents 
at  stake.  Where  direct  advantage  follows  the  enact 
ment  of  laws,  there  is  no  lack  of  disinterested  patriotism 
to  volunteer  assistance.  The  doctrine  of  free  trade  is 
called  an  abstraction;  if  so,  it  gives  no  prospects 
of  practical  personal  gain,  and,  therefore,  has  few 
energetic,  spirited  advocates,  who  will  travel  hundreds 
of  miles  to  the  Capitol,  to  enforce  upon  law-makers 
its  truths.  The  volunteer  assistance  procured  by  the 
Committee  will  come  from  the  disinterested  patriotism  of 
those  who  desire  the  prohibition,  by  high  duties,  of  the 
commodity  which  they  themselves  manufacture. 

One  other  objection.  This  investigation,  if  instituted, 
should  be  by  joint  commission  of  both  Houses.  We  are 
joint  in  action — dependent  upon  each  other  in  the  final 
passage  of  laws.  The  information  is  as  necessary  for  the 
Senate  as  ourselves.  It  is  not  my  purpose  to  detain  the 
House  longer  with  arguments  against  this  resolution.  I 
have  already  said  more  than  was  my  intention  at  rising, 
but  less  than  I  believe  the  subject  demands.  I  have 
attempted  to  show  (with  what  success  the  House  will 
decide)  that  an  impartial  and  an  instructive  report,  really 
useful  as  a  guide  to  our  legislation,  can  not  follow  the 
deliberations  and  searchings  of  this  Committee — that  it 
is  one-sided,  and  has  pre-judged  the  ease  upon  which  it 
desires  to  act  the  umpire — that  there  is  not  time,  were  it 
without  these  objections. 

Mr.  Speaker,  if  I  were  to  follow  the  example  of  some 
learned  gentlemen,  members  of  this  House,  I  would  now 
proceed  and  discuss  the  merits  of  the  tariff  question. 


THE  TAKIFF  SPEECH.  109 

But  believing  such  deviation  from  "order"  is  "  better  in 
the  breach  than  the  observance,"  I  shall  withhold.  At 
the  proper  time,  when  the  great  question  is  legitimately 
before  us,  I  hope  to  be  allowed  to  give  my  views.  Then 
I  shall  attempt  its  discussion  in  every  one  of  its  multi 
plicity  of  phases.  In  advance,  I  beg  leave  to  give 
notice  that  when  a  bill  is  reported,  I  shall,  to  the  extent 
of  my  ability,  impress  upon  the  House  the  following 
points : 

1.  Special  laws,  granting  exclusive  privileges,  or  en 
couragement  to   particular   classes  or   professions,   are 
unequal  and  consequently  unjust,  and  in  violation  of  the 
genius  of  our  institutions,  and  of  the  Constitution.     A 
protective  tariff  is  of  this  class. 

2.  Protective  duties  are  high  duties  laid  upon  foreign 
products,  whether  manufactured  or  raw,  to  prevent  their 
importation  at  prices  less  than  the  same  products  of  our 
own  country,  and  must,  to  be  effectual,  be  mostly  pro 
hibitory.     Now  as  the  impost  system  of  taxation  was 
originally  adopted  to  raise  revenue  to  defray  national 
expenditures,   and  as  a  high  tariff  is  an  abolition  of 
revenue,  some  other  mode  of  taxation  must  be  devised. 
What  shall  that  mode  be  ? 

3.  But  if  a  tariff  for  protection  was  consistent  with  a 
tariff  for  revenue,  and  both  would  follow  the  same  regu 
lation  of  imposts,  yet  would  it  be  suicidal  to  commerce. 
For  if  it  is  true  that  decreased  importations,  by  the  ope 
ration  of  an  increased  duty,  will  pay  the  same  revenue, 
yet  commerce  suffers;  additionally  from  the  fact,  that 
the  excluded  nations  would  seek  out  other  buyers,  and 
of  course  other  markets  for  purchase. 


110  BIOGKAPHY  OF   FERNANDO  WOOD. 

4.  A  high  duty  is  a  tax  upon  the  consumer  to  the 
amount  of  duty  paid  upon  the  foreign  article,  and  whilst 
it  increases  the  price  of  the  home-made  article  to  that  of 
the  foreign,  yet  in  the  former  instance  (the  home-made) 
the  increased  price  goes  into  the  pockets  of  manufactur 
ers,  and  not  into  the  treasury ;  therefore,  if  the  object  of 
protection  was  fully  attained,  of  excluding  the  competi 
tion  of  foreign  commodity,  and  supplying  its  place  solely 
with  home-made,  the  seventeen  millions  of  consumers 
would  be  extra  taxed,  over  and  above  the  necessary  ex 
penses  of  government,  for  the  benefit  of  the  less  than 
eight  hundred  thousand  engaged  in  manufactures  and 
trades. 

5.  Protection  is  injurious  to  manufactures.      It  re 
stricts  its  market  to  home  consumption,  for  other  nations 
will  retaliate  the  policy  of  exclusion,  and  if  they  do  not, 
the  enhanced  price  of  our  manufactures  would  prevent 
their  competing  with  other  countries  ;  and  would  raise  a 
vigorous,  speculating  competition  at  home,  which  would 
destroy  the  present  progressive  prosperity  by  inducing 
to  enter  the  business,  men  without  principle  or  fortune. 

6.  Commerce  is  the  greatest  protection  *to  manufac 
tures,  and  high  duties  are  destructive  of  commerce.    For 
high  duties  discourage  importations,  induce  other  nations 
to  turn  to  manufacturing,  which  before  were  content  to 
purchase    by  exchange  of  raw  materials;    encourage 
smuggling  and  other  evasions  of  the  revenue  laws ;  cause 
similar   restrictions  upon  our  productions  of  the  soil, 
and  onerous  port  charges  and  vexatious  maritime  regu 
lations. 

7.  The  protective  policy  is  hostile  to  the  prosperity 


THE   TAEIFF   SPEECH.  Ill 

and  good  condition  of  the  laboring  manufacturer.  It  is 
in  extended  commerce,  which  coequally  extends  the 
field  of  labor,  a  free,  untrammelled  interchange  of  com 
modity  with  the  whole  universe,  and  the  entire  absence 
of  all  legislative  interference  or  bounties,  that  labor  will 
find  its  best  reward,  and  industry  its  best  protection. 

8.  The  spirit  of  the  age  is  tending  towards  free  trade. 
The  nations  of  Europe  have  recently  become  anxious 
inquirers  into  its  political  and  social  advantages.  The 
general  assimilation  of  customs  regulation,  the  mutual 
dependence  of  an  unfettered  intercourse,  the  beautiful 
and  harmonious  working  of  a  system  beyond  the  control 
of  ambition  or  avarice,  would  in  tune  bind  mankind  in 
bonds  of  "amity,  good  willr  and  peace,"  driving  war 
and  famine  for  ever  from  the  world. 


CHAPTEK     X. 

CONGRESS  —  SPEECH    ON    THE    NAVY    APPROPRIATION    BILL. 

THE  next  effort  of  Mr.  "Wood  was  his  speech,  on  the 
Navy  Appropriation  Bill,  which  was  delivered  in  the 
House  of  Kepresentatives  in  May,  1842. 

The  subject  was  of  no  vital  importance  as  a  national 
question,  but  the  speech  must  be  essentially  interesting 
to  the  citizens  of  New-York,  inasmuch  as  it  exhibits  that 
keen  outlook  for  public  economy,  that  resolute  opposi 
tion  to  unnecessary  public  expense,  since  exhibited  in 
the  mayoralty  messages,  and  entitling  His  Honor  to  so 
much  gratitude  from  the  people  whose  interests  he 
knows  how  to,  and  will  protect.  His  knowledge  of 
federal  finances  and  disbursements  is  shown  in  the  pro 
position  (page  124)  to  reduce  the  expenses  of  Govern 
ment,  and  by  his  pointing  out  in  what  departments  such 
reduction  would  be  useful. 

SPEECH 

ON     THE     NAVY     APPROPRIATION    BILL. 

DELIVERED  MAY  20,  1842. 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  :  The  Committee  will  remember  that, 
on  yesterday,  the  House  resolved,  on  motion  of  the 
honorable  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAVY  APPKOPKIATION  BILL.   113 

Means,  to  take  this  bill  out  of  Committee,  and  close 
debate  thereon,  on  Monday  next  at  1  o'clock.  The 
Committee  will  also  remember  that,  though  it  has  been 
before  us  longer  than  a  week,  and  though  it  contains 
twenty-nine  sections,  and  proposes  an  appropriation  of 
nearly  eight  millions  of  dollars,  we  have  not  as  yet  closed 
the  debate  upon  the  first  section.  In  pursuance  of  the 
resolution  adopted  by  the  House,  but  two  days  remain 
to  discuss  the  twenty-eight  sections  not  approached.  I 
submit  it  to  gentlemen,  whether  it  is  possible  to  do 
justice  to  the  examination  which  these  numerous  details, 
not  yet  reached,  require,  within  so  short  a  period.  For 
myself,  I  can  not  vote  understandingly  upon  them,  with 
the  little  information  now  before  me.  Without  reasons 
more  cogent  than  any  thus  far  offered,  my  vote  shall  be 
found  recorded  in  the*  negative.  I  have  listened  atten 
tively  to  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs,  (Mr.  Wise,)  and  to  the  gentleman  from  Massa 
chusetts,  (Mr.  Gushing,)  who  appears  as  first  lord  of  the 
admiralty  ;  and  I  respectfully  deny  that  either,  with  all 
his  ability  and  ingenuity,  has  adduced  arguments  suffi 
ciently  exculpatory  of  the  largeness  and  extravagance 
of  this  appropriation. 

Declamation  and  oratorical  flourishes  about  the  glories 
of  the  American  navy  can  not  induce  me  to  give  support 
to  a  profligate  expenditure  of  the  public  money.  I  de 
sire  reliable  facts,  figures,  and  official  statements — some 
thing  tangible,  addressed  to  reason,  and  not  the  fancy. 
Since  the  establishment  of  this  Government,  there  never 
existed  a  greater  necessity  for  close  investigation  and 
care  in  voting  away  revenue,  than  the  present ;  yet  we 


114:  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

see  honorable  members  ready  to  vote,  without  discussion 
or  examination,  every  dollar  asked  of  them.  The  haste 
with  which  it  is  sought  to  close  this  debate,  and  in  a 
moment  part  with  an  amount  which,  under  preceding 
administrations,  constituted  one  third  of  the  whole  an 
nual  expenditure,  is  evidence  in  behalf  of  this  remark. 

Have  gentlemen  reflected  upon  the  responsibility  they 
assume  in  yielding  assent  to  a  demand  so  unwarranted  ? 
Have  they  looked  into  the  enormous  executive  requisi 
tions  upon  our  table,  and  made  comparisons  with  those 
from  the  same  source  under  the  late  much- vilified 
regime?  I  opine  not.  What  do  facts  tell  us?  The 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  has,  in  his  annual  report,  esti 
mated  that  the  necessary  outlays  of  his  department  for 
the  year  1842  will  be— 

For  the  naval  service $8,213,287  23 

"        marine  service 502,292  60 


$8,715,579  83 
To  this  add  the  unexpended  balance  remaining 

to  the  credit  of  the  department 2,965,594  96 

$11,681,174  79 

Congress  have  already  voted  for  an  iron  steamer 500,000  00 

Various  bills  reported  from  the  Committee  on 

Naval  Affairs,  estimated. 500,000  00 


j   $12,681,174  79 

To  which  may  be  added  the  Home  Squadron 
Appropriation  of  last  session 789,000  00 

$13,470,174  79 

Now,  how  does  this  amount  bear  comparison  with 
the  sums  estimated  for  and  appropriated  by,  the  Demo- 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAVY  APPROPRIATION  BILL.   115 

cratic  party  when  in  power  ?  I  will  take  the  four  years 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  administration.  The  official  reports 
made  to  Congress  show  the  following  sums  as  estimates 
and  appropriations : 

Estimates.  Appropriations. 

1837 $5,513,721  00 $5,679,021  00 

1838 5,185,124  91 4,135,270  00 

1839 4,776,125  64 .' 4,776,125  64 

1840 4,647,820  00 5,762,120  00 


Total, $20,122,791  55 $20,352,536  64 

Here  it  will  be  seen  that  the  highest  estimate  for  either 
of  the  four  years  was  in  1837 — the  year  in  which  the 
exploring  expedition  was  fitted  out,  at  an  expense  of 
about  $500,000 ;  and,  notwithstanding  that  charge,  it 
amounted  to  but  $5,513,721— being  $3,201,858.83  less 
than  the  estimate  for  the  present  year.  But,  if  this  large 
difference  exists  in  the  estimates,  how  much  larger  will 
be  the  difference  in  the  actual  appropriations,  if  the 
Committee  and  the  House  pass  the  bill  now  presented. 
The  largest  appropriation  made  for  any  one  year  of  the 
last  administration  was  in  1840,  and  amounted  to  but 
$5,762,120  ;  whereas  I  have  shown  that,  with  the  bills 
already  passed,  the  bill  before  us,  the  estimate  of  the 
Secretary,  and  the  unexpended  balance,  there  will  have 
been  appropriated  this  year,  $13,470,174.79 — an  excess 
of  $7,708,054.79,  and  thirteen  twentieths  of  the  Van 
Buren  four  years. 

The  amount  demanded  is  equal  to  the  whole  sum 
expended  for  both  army  and  navy  in  any  one  of  the  last 
five  years.  I  can  not  vote  for  it.  I  can  not  give  my 


116  BIOGKAPHY  OF   FERNANDO  WOOD. 

support,  humble  and  inefficient  as  it  may  be,  to  this 
rapid  progress  towards  the  accumulation  of  a  public 
debt,  from  which  it  will  be  impossible  to  recover.  I 
can  not  give  my  support  to  the  rearing,  in  this  home  of 
simple  republicanism,  a  powerful  and  splendid  navy, 
with  all  its  paraphernalia  of  pomp  and  tyranny.  I  could 
not  return  to  an  honest  and  truly  Democratic  constitu 
ency,  after  having  aided  in  a  system  of  profligate  squan 
dering  ;  especially  when  the  deficit  is  to  be  drawn  prin 
cipally  from  the  earnings  of  their  industry.  Hereafter, 
should  it  become  my  province  to  denounce  (as  it  will  be 
the  duty  of  every  good  citizen)  the  enormous  expendi 
tures  of  the  patriots  now  in  power,  I  can  not  give  them 
the  privilege  of  pointing  to  my  vote  as  having  aided  in 
the  act. 

Sir,  if  the  condition  of  our  foreign  relations  bore  a 
threatening  aspect,  and  danger  of  collision  was  antici 
pated  from  any  quarter,  no  man  sooner  than  myself 
would  prepare  and  do  battle  for  defense.  The  unani 
mous  voice  of  my  people  would  be  heard  first  in  behalf 
of  invigorating  the  maritime  army.  The  only  sentiment 
which  could  rise  in  my  breast,  if  the  position  of  pending 
negotiations  were  such  as  to  leave  "  a  hinge  to  hang  a 
doubt  upon,"  as  to  the  speedy  and  amicable  arrangement 
of  all  questions  at  issue,  would  be  to  arm,  and  "  to  arms" 
— "  millions  for  defense,  but  not  one  cent  for  tribute." 

But  it  is  not  contended  that  war  is  probable.  JSTo 
gentleman  has  advocated  this  bill  upon  that  ground. 
The  honorable  Secretary  has  not  proposed  the  increase 
predicated  upon  the  slightest  fears  of  difficulty  with 
England.  Nothing  has  been  said  in  this  debate,  giving 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAVY  APPROPRIATION  BILL.   117 

color  to  the  idea  that  an  increase  of  the  navy  is  necessary 
in  anticipation  of  any  such  event.  It  appears  to  be 
generally  conceded  that  this  is  to  be  exclusively  a  per 
manent  peace  establishment.  Nor  are  there  causes  for 
apprehension  of  war.  Great  Britain  will  not  attempt 
the  subjugation  of  the  American  prowess.  It  has  never 
been  her  policy  to  declare  hostilities  against  the  brave, 
the  powerful,  and  the  just,  when  diplomacy  or  corrup 
tion  of  honor  by  gold  could  reach  the  negotiating  officer 
and  obtain  her  object.  So  long  as  Daniel  Webster  wields 
the  Department  of  State,  and  holds  within  his  grasp  the 
thoughts  and  will  of  the  pliant  Executive,  so  long  will 
the  peace  of  this  country  be  maintained,  if  with  England 
is  the  only  contention.  Her  policy  will  seek  other  means 
of  preserving  peace  and  obtaining  her  desires  than  by 
the  cannon  and  the  sword.  Experience  Has  taught  her 
that  here  are  to  be  found,  not  imbecile  Chinamen — not 
enervated  Indiamen — not  tyrant-ridden  Europeans — but 
men  in  the  full  growth  of  intellectual  and  physical  man 
hood  ;  who,  w'hen  in  embryo  and  comparatively  power 
less,  stood  up  in  two  contests,  unshrinkingly  and  suc 
cessfully  against  her  overgrown  might.  She  knows  we 
were  refractory  in  childhood,  and  have  never  repented 
the  contumacy :  on  the  contrary,  when  what  she  con 
ceived  to  be  wholesome  chastisement  has  been  attempted, 
we  have  turned  upon  the  parental  assailant  with  other 
than  filial  mercy.  For  this  we  have  not  been  forgiven ; 
nor  do  we  ask  forgiveness.  It  is  true  we  are  a  sprout 
from  her  trunk ;  but  we  have  grown  a  rival  tree.  "We 
claim  with  her  a  common  origin ;  but,  thank  Grod !  we 
axe  not  linked  to  a  common  fate.  We  will  perpetuate 


118  BIOGKAPHY   OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

her  language,  and  all  that  is  ennobling  in  her  virtues 
and  glorious  in  her  institutions  ;  but  trample  under  our 
feet  her  threats,  defy  her  prowess,  repudiate  her  vices, 
and,  if  bloody  strife  ensues,  sink  into  oblivion  the  last 
foothold  of  her  trans- Atlantic  power. 

Mr.  Chairman,  is  now  the  time  to  enlarge  the  navy  ? 
The  wheels  of  Government  but  yesterday  stood  still,  and 
the  machinery  of  the  Executive  was  stopped,  for  the 
want  of  a  small  pittance  wherewithal  to  proceed.  A 
permanent  debt,  heretofore  unknown  to  the  present 
generation,  has  been,  within  a  twelvemonth,  fastened 
upon  us  by  the  party  in  office.  But  yesterday,  the 
public  faith  was  hawked  up  and  down  Wall  and  Chest 
nut  streets,  an  humble  suppliant  to  British  capitalists  for 
favor.  Pecuniary  dishonor — the  first  since  the  estab 
lishment  of  an  American  mint — has  been  permitted  to 
visit  and  rest  upon  our  escutcheon.  Out  of  money,  out 
of  credit,  embarrassed  and  financially  disgraced — is  this 
the  chosen  opportunity  to  appropriate  the  millions 
asked  ?  The  vicious  banking  system  having  spread  its 
evils  through  the  land,  our  industry  is  borne  down  by 
oppressions  which  paralyze  every  sinew  of  production. 
The  great  bubble  of  extended  credit-system,  created  and 
upheld  as  it  was  by  the  credit  party,  has  exploded  over 
our  heads  with  terrible  devastation,  making  a  wreck  of 
fortune,  character,  and  life,  and  sinking  the  iron  deep 
into  the  bosom  of  the  wife  and  mother.  "With  the  yeo 
manry  and  trading  population,  "chaos  is  come  again" — 
man  looks  upon  his  fellow  as  a  foe.  Self-preservation 
and  interest  are  now  the  predominant  springs  of  action. 
The  biting  want  of  maintenance  has  driven  the  mind  to 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAYY  APPROPRIATION  BILL.   119 

expedients  for  a  sustenance,  as  it  has  taught  a  lesson  in 
economy  which  force,  that  unyielding  tutor,  has  driven 
him  to  practise.  Men  have  realized  want.  It  is  no 
longer  an  unpleasant  day-dream  reverie,  arising  upon 
the  vision  in  crossing  the  path  of  the  tattered  mendicant ; 
but  has  become  a  painful  reality,  from  which  there  is  no 
escape  by  passing  on.  Eetrenchment  and  reform  is  now 
the  domestic  economy  of  the  American  people ;  and  be 
assured,  sir,  the  time  is  not  far  off  when  it  will  be  their 
political  economy.  The  time  is  not  far  off — for  it  is 
now !  The  people  of  this  country  now  demand,  through 
their  representatives,  a  reduction  of  the  public  expenses. 
They  call  upon  that  party,  and  those  men,  some  of  whom 
have  the  full  control  of  the  executive  branch,  and  others 
of  the  legislative  branch,  to  carry  out  in  practice  a  gen 
eral  system  of  contraction.  They  ask  it  at  your  hands. 
They  say,  "  "We  will  not  revert  to  the  oft-repeated  pro 
mises  and  solemn  pledges  with  which  you  made  the  air 
of  1840  vocal ;  nor  will  we  tell  you  of  the  professions 
for  our  own  prosperity,  which,  without  stint  and  with 
out  bounds,  were  lavished  upon  our  credulous  ears. 
Let  them  pass.  It  is  true,  the  odious  sub-treasury  times 
were  the  heydays  of  thrift,  compared  with  the  present 
gloom  which  our  'generous  confidence'  has  given  us. 
But  of  this,  no  matter.  Our  own  folly  has  produced 
much  of  our  own  distress ;  but  to  the  Government  we 
look,  not  to  put  money  in  our  pockets — not  to  enact 
laws  by  which  idleness  may  get  rich  and  labor  be  de 
frauded — not  to  lend  its  aid  in  the  reestablishment  of  a 
cormorant  monopoly,  which,  like  the  locusts  of  Egypt, 
will  overshadow  the  land  with  its  pestilential  progeny ; 


120  BIOGKAPHY  OF   FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

we  look  to  it  to  contract  its  power,  to  reduce  its  ex 
penses,  and  to  cleanse  its  abuses.  These  are  of  the 
thousand  reforms  so  loudly  promised  us ;  and  having 
given  you  the  power — the  full  and  absolute  control  of 
the  law-making  power — we  call  upon  you  for  action, 
speedy  and  efficient  action.  It  is  no  answer  to  say  .you 
have  fallen  out  among  yourselves ;  that  in  the  struggle 
for  the  mastery  of  the  spoils,  the  Executive  has  been 
separated  from  the  Legislature;  that,  without  harmo 
nious  action  of  both,  nothing  can  be  accomplished ;  and 
that  your  President  is  a  traitor,  or  that  yqur  ex-legisla 
tive  leader  is  a  dictator.  Of  your  criminations  and  re 
criminations  we  know  nothing.  By  your  joint  and 
combined  advice  and  proffers,  we  drove  the  late  incum 
bents  -from  power,  placing  you  joint  and  combined  in 
their  stead ;  and,  in  your  joint,  combined,  as  well  as  in 
dividual  character,  we  hold  you  responsible."  This,  sir, 
already  is  the  language  of  the  people.  How  is  it  met  ? 
In  what  have  their  expectations  been  realized,  and  your 
pledges  redeemed  ?  Where  has  been  furnished  the  evi 
dence  of  the  so- violently-denounced  Florida  war  corrup 
tions?  Where  are  the  proofs  of  the  Executive  mal 
practices?  Where  the  slightest  testimony  of  a  single 
profligate  expenditure  ?  And  who  are  the  thieves  and 
peculators  in  high  places,  whom,  so  soon  after  getting 
the  reins,  you  intended  to  identify?  Give  us  the  record ; 
produce  the  data.  It  can  not  be  done.  These  vile 
charges,  like  the  viler  inventors,  have  sunk  into  silent 
insignificance.  The  brains  which  conceived  them,  and 
the  tongue  which  gave  them  utterance — though  still  fol 
lowing  their  wonted  avocation  of  abuse  by  calumniating 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAVY  APPROPRIATION  BILL.   121 

each  other — have  not  the  hardihood  to  reiterate,  or  the 
slightest  proof  to  adduce  in  substantiation  of  a  single 
slander.  That  part  of  Whig  promises  can  not  be  per 
formed.  Not  so  as  to  the  retrenchment  of  expenses. 
There  is  no  impediment  to  a  full  compliance  in  this  par 
ticular.  Coming  into  office  with  at  least  forty  majority 
in  this  House,  and  nine  in  the  other — with  the  Presi 
dent  and  heads  of  the  departments — no  obstacle  present 
ed  itself.  Why  has  it  not  been  done  ?  Why  has  it  not 
been  proposed  ?  You  have  the  power,  and  there  exists 
the  necessity.  The  expenditures  are  too  great;  they  are 
far  beyond  the  simplicity  compatible  with  the  Eepublic, 
and  very  far  beyond  what  is  compatible  with  the  present 
means  of  defraying. 

Retrenchment  is  the  order  of  the  day  in  private  life ; 
why  should  it  not  be  the  practice  of  those  who  are 
honored  with  stations  in  public  life  ?  You  have  held 
power  over  a  twelvemonth,  during  which  Congress  has 
been  in  session  nine  months;  and  no  retrenchments 
worthy  the  name  proposed  or  adopted.  It  is  true  the 
honorable  gentleman  from  Virginia,  (Mr.  Gilmer,)  to 
whom  much  praise  is  due,  early  in  last  session  moved  a 
committee  for  some  such,  purpose ;  but  no  measures  have 
yet  been  offered,  save  what  relates  to  our  own  franking 
privilege  and  mileage,  which,  although  commendable 
reforms,  are  minor,  indeed,  compared  with  the  over 
shadowing  costs  of  this  Government.  I  desire  good 
faith  upon  this  part  of  Whig  promises.  Why  are  not 
efforts  made  for  a  compliance  ?  The  treasury  is  empty 
—the  credit  of  the  country  prostrate ;  and  yet  nothing- 
is  said  of  a  reduction  of  outlays.  The  last  Democratic 
6 


122  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

Congress  voted  you  five  millions  to  commence  with ;  at 
the  extra  session  you  voted  an  additional  twelve  mil 
lions,  as  a  permanent  loan ;  and  at  this  session  another 
five  millions — making,  in  all,  twenty-two  millions  in  less 
than  a  year;  and  yet  pennyless  and  bankrupt,  and  a 
daily  crying  give !  give !  give !  Why,  instead  of  the 
lamentations  of  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  over  the  lack  of  funds  to  replenish  our  ex 
hausted  treasury,  have  we  not  substantial  bills  of  re 
trenchment  and  reform,  which  will  lop  off  the  causes  of 
our  distress  ?  The  people  do  so.  It  is  not  their  prac 
tice,  when  involved  in  embarrassments,  with  burdens 
greater  than  their  income,  to  borrow,  borrow,  borrow. 
They  retrench — that  is  the  first  principle  of  their  domes 
tic  economy ;  and  I  mistake  them  if  they  will  not  exact 
similar  economy  of  their  public  servants.  What  would 
be  thought  of  that  man,  in  private  life,  who,  a  creditless 
debtor,  kept  up  a  splendid  establishment,  without  appa 
rently  knowing  he  could  not  afford  it  ?  But  who  would 
pronounce  him  honest,  if  sane,  if  such  a  one  made  volun 
tary  bequests  of  one  tenth  of  his  whole  income  ?  You 
have  done  this ;  while  an  avowed  bankrupt — with  ex 
penditures  greater  than  receipts — you  gave  away  the 
proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  averaging  three  millions 
annually.  This  is  only  the  suicidal  policy  of  knaves. 
Surely  "  he  whom  the  gods  wish  to  destroy,  they  first 
make  mad."  Sir,  the  expenses  of  this  Government  are 
as  far  beyond  what,  under  a  proper  system,  would  be 
necessary,  as  they  are  beyond  our  ability  to  support. 
This  fact  was  fully  established  by  the  twenty-sixth  Con 
gress.  That  Congress,  though  repudiated  by  the  people, 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAVY  APPKOPKIATION  BILL.   123 

'who  thought  best  to  substitute  a  hard  cider  Congress, 
was  satisfied  of  this  fact.  Its  acts  prove  this  remark. 
It  made  great  progress  in  the  work  of  reform,  commenc 
ing  in  the  right  way  and  in  the  right  quarter.  It  re 
duced  the  emoluments  of  the  collectors  of  our  large  sea 
port  cities  to  an  amount  within  the  bounds  of  reason ; 
but  yet  leaving  them  far  beyond,  in  my  opinion,  a  suffi 
cient  recompense.  The  collector  of  New- York,  who, 
under  the  old  law,  considered  himself  poorly  paid  if  his 
salary  and  perquisites  netted  less  than  twenty  thousand 
dollars,  was  limited  to  six.  The  postmaster  at  New- 
York,  whose  yearly  income  had  grown  from  five  to 
over  twenty  thousand,  was  reduced  and  limited  to  five 
thousand  dollars.  The  district-attorney  and  marshal 
also  came  within  the  pruning-hook.  Here  was  serious 
retrenchment.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  an 
nually  were  thus  brought  into  the  coffers  of  the  nation, 
which  had  previously  been  the  pay  of  public  officers. 

Thus  has  the  example  been  given  you  by  the  Demo 
cratic  Congress  which  you  have  so  much  animadverted 
upon.  "Why  not  follow  in  its  footsteps  ?  Why  not  go 
and  continue  this  work  ?  None  can  question  the  policy 
• — nay,  justice  to  the  tax-payers.  It  must  de  done, 
sooner  or  later,  or  national  degradation  will  surround 
us.  A  Democratic  Congress  commenced  it  in  good  faith, 
which  its  successors  promised  should  be  continued  and 
perfected.  And  it  was  but  commenced ! 

Sir,  I  have  taken  some  trouble  to  look  into  the  yearly 
cost  of  carrying  on  this  Government  for  the  last  twenty 
years ;  and  am  convinced  that,  estimating  it  at  present 
at  twenty -five  millions,  there  is  room  for  striking  off  at 


124  BIOGEAPHT  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

least  one  fifth,  leaving  it  at  twenty  millions.  Indeed, 
Senators,  whose  long  experience  in  public  life  and  whose 
ability  to  judge  of  these  matters  qualify  them  thereto, 
have  asserted  that  sixteen  or  seventeen '  millions  would 
be  sufficient.  I  would  take  the  estimate  of  twenty  mil 
lions,  which  my  examination  assures  me  will  leave  every 
department  in  full  vigor. 

To  do  so,  I  would  propose  reductions  in  the  following 
branches  of  the  public  service,  which  a  close  examina 
tion  of  the  whole  subject  has  convinced  me  can  be  done 
without  detriment : 

From  the  mileage  of  members  of  Congress  : 
Length  of  the  sessions,  one  quarter. 
Contingent  expenses  of  Congress. 
Expenses  of  the  Judiciary  department. 
Salaries  of  the  President  and  heads  of  the  depart 
ments. 

Expense  of  intercourse  with  foreign  nations. 
Home  expense  of  State  department. 
Expense  of  Treasury  department 
Expense  of  collecting  revenue,  and  light-house 

department. 

Expense  of  General  Land-Office. 
Expense  of  Coining  department. 
Expense  of  the  "War  and  connecting  offices. 
Expense  of  the  Department  of  War,  including 
a  reduction  of  the  military  establishment,  etc. 
Expense  of  the  Navy,  including  a  general  super 
vision  of  yards,  purchases,  abolition  of  Navy 
Board,  etc. 

Expense   of  Post-Office   department,    including 
restriction  of  the  franking  privilege. 


SPEECH  OX   THE   NAYY  APPROPRIATION  BILL.   125 

I  would  thus  relieve  the  treasury  of  millions,  and 
not  cripple  a  sinew  of  defense,  or  impair  the  full  effi 
ciency  of  a  single  office.  Nor  is  this  all.  I  would 
bring  in  several  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  an 
nually,  which  would  find  their  way  into  the  pockets  of 
the  office-holders.  I  would  bring  into  the  treasury  all 
fees  and  emoluments  received  by  the  following  officers, 
over  and  above  a  fair  recompense  for  their  services : 

Consuls  abroad, 

Deputy  postmasters, 

Marshals  and  attorneys, 

Revenue-collectors, 

Pursers, 

Navy-agents, 

Commissary  General  Purchases, 

Military  store-keepers. 

» 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  holding  these  views,  can  my 
vote  be  expected  for  this  bill  ?  I  have  shown  by  figures, 
which  do  not  lie,  that  it  is  extravagant,  unnecessary,  and 
far  beyond  any  appropriation  for  corresponding  purposes 
made  for  the  late  administration,  when  there  was  as 
much  necessity.  I  have  shown  that  not  only  is  the 
sum  proposed  exorbitantly  large,  but  that  the  treasury 
is  bankrupt,  the  tax-payers  poverty-stricken,  and  the 
spirit  of  the  people  in  favor  of  "  retrenchment  and 
reform."  I  have  shown  the  already  enormous  useless 
expenditures,  by  pointing  directly  to  them. 

But,  sir,  let  us  look  a  little  further.  Suppose  the 
objections  thus  far  urged  were  without  existence.  Let 


126  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

us  imagine  that  the  treasury  is  full,  and  without  indebt 
edness  ;  that  the  people  are  prosperous,  and  willing  to 
bear  additional  burdens ;  that  extension,  expansion,  and 
prodigality  characterized  the  age,  and  there  were  no 
existing  evils  of  this  character ;  would  it  be  consonant 
with  propriety  and  correct  legislation  to  pass  this  bill  ? 
I  think  not.  It  was  not  intended  by  the  fathers  of  the 
Eepublic  that  upon  their  plain  and  unostentatious  foun 
dation  should  be  built  a  gorgeous  and  powerful  nation. 
They  did  not  establish  this  political  community  for  con 
quest  or  plunder.  It  was  no  part  of  their  design  that 
posterity  should  rear,  upon  the  corner-stone  laid  by  their 
hands,  a  splendid  edifice  of  naval  or  military  glory. 
Their  policy  was  essentially  peaceful.  Meek  and  hum 
ble  in  spirit,  they  banded  themselves  for  protection,  and 
for  protection  alone.  The  Union  was  a  confederacy  for 
mutual  defense  and  preservation,  and  not  to  form  a 
league,  the  consolidated  strength  of  which  could  reduce 
nations,  impart  glory,  or  make  too  strong  the  arm  of  the 
Executive.  Simple  and  republican  themselves,  they 
sought  to  establish  a  Government  thoroughly  imbued 
with  their  own  faith — one  assuming  no  power  not  neces 
sary,  exerting  no  authority  not  required,  antagonist  to 
no  principle  of  popular  rights.  "Would  a  naval  arma 
ment  numbering  its  hundreds  of  ships  and  millions  of 
tonnage,  employing  its  thousand  commanders,  disbursing 
its  millions  on  millions  annually,  and  extending  to  an 
almost  unlimited  degree  the  already  overgrown  privi 
leges  of  the  President,  who,  by  virtue  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  is  "  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of 
the  United  States,"  be  consistent  with  simple  republic- 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAVY  APPROPRIATION  BILL.    127 

anism?  It  would  not.  But  pass  this  bill  as  now  before 
us,  and  the  first  step  is  taken ;  the  first  stride  towards 
consolidation,  Executive  mastery,  and  an  incubus  of 
debt,  is  taken — irrevocably  taken. 

Another  objection :  Ships,  after  construction,  must  be 
supported;  officers,  men,  supplies,  and  stores,  must  be 
furnished.  The  end  is  ,not  with  the  cost  of  building. 
The  keel  is  but  laid  for  a  continuous  and  never-ending 
expenditure.  They  must  be  kept  afloat.  If  unem 
ployed,  they  rot  at  the  depots,  and  the  whole  is  lost. 
The  error  once  committed  of  saddling  the  country,  in  a 
time  of  peace  and  embarrassment,  with  a  large  floating 
naval  world,  you  must  go  011  appropriating  annually  a 
proportionably  large  amount  to  keep  it  sea- worthy  and 
from  falling  to  decay.  It  is  a  permanent  expenditure 
now  presented  to  us.  The  aggregate  of  this  bill,  enor 
mous  as  it  is,  will  be  less  onerous  than  what  will  be 
necessary  to  preserve  it  from  ruin.  And  when  once 
made,  there  can  be  no  receding.  As  with  State  appro 
priations  for  internal  improvement,  you  must  go  on  ad 
infinitum,  or  all  will  be  lost. 

Again :  I  find  no  provision  in  it,  or  in  the  several 
bills  for  the  reorganization  of  the  Navy  Department 
reported  by  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  to  remedy 
the  evils  of  the  present  manner  of  procuring  supplies. 
The  door  for  corruption,  which  long  practice,  from  the 
foundation  of  the  navy  to  the  present  moment,  has 
opened,  has  not  been  closed.  I  would  remedy  this 
objection  before  voting  so  large  an  amount.  Under 
long-established  usage,  the  navy  agents  are  authorized 
to  make  open  purchases  without  contract,  without  agree- 


128  BIOGKAPHY   OF  FEKNANDO  WOOL 

ment  or  supervision.  A  large  portion  of  the  material, 
and  many  heavy  articles  of  stores  used  at  the  yards,  as 
well  as  nearly  the  whole  outfits  of  ships  preparatory  to 
sailing,  are  procured  in  this  manner.  These  officers 
have  permission  to  disburse  hundreds  of  thousands  an 
nually,  without  check  as  to  prices  or  quality.  They 
buy  of  whom  they  please,  and  at  such  prices  as  they 
please.  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that,  of  my  own 
knowledge,  there  are  mal-practices  ;  but  I  do  say,  that  if 
none  have  been,  it  was  not  for  want  of  opportunity ; 
we  may  thank  the  integrity  of  the  officer,  and  not  the 
strictness  of  the  laws. 

Before  placing  at  the  disposal  of  the  Secretary  the 
millions  comprehended  in  this  bill,  I  would  supervise 
the  laws  regulating  purchases.  I  would  not,  in  these 
days  of  want  and  peculation,  place  in  the  power  of  any 
agent  the  opportunity  of  profiting  ten  and  twenty  per 
cent,  by  his  disbursements.  Every  article  should  be 
supplied  by  contract.  It  should  be  the  duty  of  the  Sec 
retary,  or  of  the  Board  of  Navy  Commissioners,  or  the 
agent,  to  advertise  for  estimates  in  the  public  prints ; 
thus  giving  to  every  citizen  an  equal  opportunity  to 
benefit  by  this  immense  patronage ;  and  incurring  no 
loss  to  the  Government  from  bad  quality,  high  prices, 
and  collusion  between  the  officer  and  the  factor  or  mer 
chant.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  another  considera 
tion  which,  though  not  relating  directly  to  either  of  the 
points  thus  far  urged,  is  a  subject  for  serious  reflection, 
and  is  equally  applicable  to  every  money-bill  presented 
to  the  House.  Is  this  the  proper  stage  of  the  session  to 
discuss  and  act  upon  bills  to  appropriate  money  ?  Is  it 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAVY  APPROPRIATION  BILL.   129 

wise  policy  to  make  these  large  bequests  at  this  time, 
within  a  few  weeks  of  the  expiration  of  the  sliding 
scale  of  the  compromise  act,  without  any  adequate  pro 
vision  to  insure  revenue ;  and,  in  fact,  without  a  law  to 
carry  into  effect  the  only  existing  law  which  can  give 
us  a  dollar  ?  The  leaders  of  the  Whig  party  in  this 
House  (the  very  men  who  are  urging  on  these  cormorant 
bestowments  from  an  empty  treasury)  tell  us  that  a  high 
tariff  is  necessary  for  revenue  ;  and  that,  without  a  new 
law  to  take  the  place  of  the  compromise  law,  and  with 
out  a  general  supervision  of  the  whole  subject,  there 
will  not  be  revenue  enough  to  meet  one  half  the  public 
expenditures. 

We  are  told  that,  to  keep  the  wheels  of  Government 
in  motion,  it  will  be  necessary  to  lay  additional  duties 
upon  imports,  and  to  settle  upon  a  permanent  basis  this 
greatest  of  all  questions.  I  ask  whether,  under  the 
avowed  condition  of  our  collecting  laws,  it  is  wisdom  to 
pass  this,  or  any  bill  for  similar  purposes,  before  some 
action  is  taken  on  the  revenue  bill  ?  Can  it  be  the  cor 
rect  policy  of  Congress  to  go  on  appropriating,  appro 
priating,  appropriating,  with  empty  coffers,  an  admitted 
want  of  laws  to  bring  in  and  secure  the  usual  fiscal 
income,  and  with  a  probability  of  a  heavy  falling  off  of 
imports,  under  any  rate  of  duties?  Certainly  not. 
Were  there  no  other  objections,  this  alone  ought  to  pre 
vent  action  at  this  stage  of  the  session,  or  until  the  other 
and  more  important  business  is  disposed  of.  And  is  it 
not  strange  we  find  here  men  advocating  measures  so 
contradictory  ;  telling  us,  in  one  moment,  that  we  must 
pass  a  high  tariff,  to  preserve  the  nation  from  bank- 
6* 


130  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

ruptcy ;  and  in  the  next  proposing  the  most  extravagant 
outlays?  Is  it  not  singular  consistency,  to  use  the  mild 
est  phrase  ?  If  it  is  true,  as  alleged  by  the  high-tariff 
party,  that  it  will  be  impossible  to  carry  on  the  Govern 
ment,  under  the  lowest  reduction  of  expenditure,  with 
out  a  material  advance  on  the  present  rate  of  duties, 
why  is  it  that,  before  action  is  had  on  the  tariff 
question,  so  much  anxiety  is  evinced  to  enlarge  our 
appropriations  ?  "Why  are  the  gentlemen  in  such  hot 
Haste  to  make  these  heavy  requisitions  upon  the  public 
coffers  ? 

Sir,  I  think  the  astute  eye  of  prophecy  is  not  neces 
sary  to  divine  the  reason.  I  do  not  believe  that  any 
but  a  Talleyrand  or  a  Metternich  can  unravel  this  seem 
ing  secret.  In  my  humble  conception  of  the  ruling 
motives  of  men,  the  "  why  and  the  wherefore  "  is  to  be 
found  in  the  same  reason  which  made  them  bequeath  to 
the  States  the  public  domain,  without  consideration  and 
without  cause.  It  was,  to  drive  us  by  necessity  to  a 
high  tariff,  to  fill  up  the  vacuum  thus  made  in  our  finan 
ces  ;  to  force  us,  by  appeals  to  national  honor  to  preserve 
the  national  credit,  to  go  with  them  in  their  unhallowed 
designs  upon  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people ;  to 
give  away  our  anticipated  receipts,  .that  means  may  be 
taken,  through  the  operation  of  an  increased  tariff,  to 
favor  particular  interests  at  the  cost  of  the  tax-payer. 
It  is  for  this  we  have  systematic  expansion,  instead  of 
the  systematic  contraction  the  times  demand.  Besides 
the  tendency  of  Whig  principles  to  inflation,  as  evidenced 
in  every  instance  where  they  have  obtained  the  power — 
besides  their  love  for  debt  and  detestation  of  liquidation 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAVY  APPKOPKIATION  BILL.    131 

—besides  their  contempt  for  every  thing  locofocoish,  as  is 
the  pay-up  system,  there  are  now  at  work  other  motives 
and  other  inducements.  The  expenses  must  be  in 
creased,  because  there  must  be  a  deficit  between  revenue 
and  disbursements.  Having  embarrassed  and  exhausted 
the  finances,  it  is  supposed  the  people  will  rise  en  masse 
in  favor  of  devising  a  remedy,  which  they  are  prepared 
with  in  a  high  tariff,  and  thus  accomplish,  by  a  trick, 
that  which  they  dare  not  ask  for  as  a  principle. 

I  mistake  very  much  if  this  is  not  the  object  hidden 
under  the  bill  before  us.  In  fact,  the  veil  of  public  ne 
cessity,  with  which  it  is  sought  to  hide  the  scheme,  is  too 
flimsy  to  deceive  the  most  unsuspecting.  No  party 
could  drive  so  recklessly  on,  after  the  many  protestations 
of  reform,  without  some  such  intention. 

Mr.  Chairman,  we  are  told  that  an  increase  of  the 
navy  is  advantageous  to  commerce,  and  that  every 
member  representing  a  commercial  district  is  expected 
to  support  this  bill.  It  has  been  said,  by  gentlemen  who 
have  advocated  it,  that  the  principal  employment  of  our 
naval  marine  is  to  protect  the  commercial  marine.  The 
interests  of  the  Eepresentatives  from  the  Atlantic  cities 
have  been  appealed  to,  to  come  forward  in  behalf  of 
what  they  are  told  is  the  vitality  of  commerce.  Sir,  I 
am  not  old,  but  yet  too  old  to  be  caught  by  pretexts  so 
weak.  Could  arguments  like  these  (which,  at  best,  are 
addressed  to  our  interest,  the  most  selfish  of  all  legisla 
tive  influences)  affect  my  vote,  I  should  be  incapable  of 
performing  the  trust  confided  in  me.  I  am  yet  to  learn 
that  in  any  quarter  of  the  globe  the  American  shipping 


132  BIOGRAPHY   OF   FERNANDO   WOOD 

has  suffered  for  the  want  of  Government  protection.  No 
cases  have  come  to  my  knowledge  where  our  flag  has 
been  insulted,  or  our  property  destroyed  or  taken  from  us, 
because  of  a  restricted  navy.  There  have  been  isolated 
instances  of  encroachments,  but  none  that  could  have 
been  obviated  had  every  ship  of  war  been  a  fleet. 
England  and  Prance,  with  the  most  extended  navies  in 
the  world,  have  occasionally  met  obstacles  to  their  trade. 
But  the  stars  and  stripes  are  a  passport  upon  every  sea 
to  the  hull  and  spar  which  bear  them.  Our  bright  bun 
ting  floats  unmolested  over  the  wide  expanse  of  the 
ocean,  for  there  are  none  so  daring  as  to  do  it  injury. 
Under  its  broad  folds  legitimate  trade  is  secure  and  re 
spected. 

And  were  we  liable  to  frequent  losses  for  the  want  of 
the  proposed  increase,  I  am  far  from  being  satisfied  that, 
of  the  two  evils — the  passage  of  this  bill,  and  the 
chances  of  occasional  injury  without  it — the  latter  is  not 
the  least.  Can  it  be  advantageous  to  the  city  of  New- 
York  to  adopt  a  policy  which  drives  us  into  a  restrictive 
tariff?  If  by  large  drafts  upon  the  treasury,  the  ne 
cessity  of  additional  duties  is  forced  upon  us,  commerce 
will  undergo  a  diminution,  because  your  increased  duties 
will  decrease  importations.  The  foreign  trade  can  not 
thrive  if  legislative  impediments  are  thrown  in  the  way 
of  its  free  action.  It  is  not  reasonable  that,  where  an 
exorbitant  toll  is  demanded  for  ingress,  that  ingress 
will  not  diminish.  It  is  a  well-established  axiom,  that  the 
imposition  of  higher  duties  upon  imports  immediately 
and  seriously  affects  the  commercial  trade;  hence  the 


SPEECH  ON  THE  NAVY  APPKOPBIATION  BILL.   133 

rallying-cry  of  a  party  not  many  years  since  in  this 
country,  of  "  free  trade  and  sailors'  rights."  Therefore, 
admitting  that  an  accession  of  a  ship-of-war  is  required 
to  protect  our  flag,  it  would  be  suicidal  to  protect  it  at  a 
cost  so  great :  better  arm  our  merchantmen  at  private 
expense,  for  self-protection,  than  lay  them  up  in  ordinary, 
without  employment.  Gentlemen  had  better  use  other 
arguments  militating  less  against  them.  It  is  not  wis 
dom  in  Congress  to  attempt  to  give  protection  to  any 
branch  of  trade,  when  such  protection  is  only  to  be  ob 
tained  by  the  inflicting  of  harm.  In  this  instance  the 
injury  would  be  twofold;  first,  to  the  interests  intended 
to  be  the  recipients  of  favor ;  second,  to  all  other  inter 
ests  which  are  taxed  for  its  support. 

There  are  other  arguments  which  press  themselves 
upon  my  notice  ;  but  I  fear  the  patience  of  the  Commit 
tee  is  already  exhausted.  I  could  go  on  elaborating  the 
objections  which  are  continually  arising  before  me,  but 
the  allotted  time  for  cutting  off  the  debate,  and  the  many 
other  gentlemen  who  are  anxious  to  be  heard,  warn  me 
not  to  trespass  much  further.  It  is  a  grave  topic,  and  ad 
mits  of  a  wide  range  of  discussion.  At  any  tune,  in  any 
condition  of  the  treasury,  a  bill  to  appropriate  money  in 
volves  important  considerations.  To  vote  money,  is  to 
expend  the  proceeds  of  taxation ;  which  is  to  part  with 
that  portion  of  the  capital  or  results  of  industry  which 
is  bestowed  upon  the  Government  for  its  necessary  dis 
bursements.  If  the  people  are  interested  in  the  amount 
of  taxation  levied  upon  them,  to  a  corresponding  extent 
are  they  interested  in  its  disposition. 

If  the  amount  expended  is  drawn  from  the  tax-payer, 


134:  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

we  are  but  his  agents  to  appropriate  his  money  for  the 
maintenance  of  law  and  order.  It  is  equally  criminal 
to  make  lavish  or  impolitic  use  of  it.  I  conceive  that 
we  would  be  as  guilty  of  dereliction  of  good  faith  by 
complying  with  exorbitant  behests  from  the  executive 
departments,  as  if  we  put  our  own  hands  into  the  trea 
sury  to  fill  our  own  pockets.  By  the  Constitution,  we 
are  more  the  guardians  of  popular  contributions  than  of 
the  popular  liberties.  "We  are  made  the  peculiar  con 
servators  of  the  money-power.  It  behoves  us,  there 
fore,  to  scan  closely  all  requisitions.  Endowed  as  are 
the  members  of  this  House  with  the  high  privilege  of 
representing  the  great  body  of  American  freemen,  it  be 
hoves  us,  in  the  plenitude  of  power,  not  to  forget  the 
poor  tax-payer  at  home. 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  beg  leave  to  say  that 
it  is  with  regret  that  an  imperative  sense  of  duty  has 
compelled  me  to  address  the  Committee  on  this  subject. 
It  is  with  no  little  fear  my  position  has  been  assumed. 
The  almost  overshadowing  popularity  of  the  navy,  and 
its  adaptation  for  American  defense,  connected  with  the 
recollection  of  the  glorious  victories  which  crowned  its 
success  in  the  last  war,  make  me  feel  I  have  been  tread 
ing  on  dangerous  ground.  Had  my  inclinations  alone 
been  consulted,  my  voice  would  not  have  been  heard ; 
but  convictions,  matured  from  deliberate  reflection,  have 
prompted  my  tongue,  and  it  has  spoken.  I  regret  to  be 
thus  seemingly  placed  in  opposition  to  it ;  but,  at  the 
same  time,  beg  to  be  understood  that  it  is  to  the  unpre 
cedented  increase  at  this  time  I  object — not  to  the  serv 
ice.  I  object  to  this  extravagant  proposition,  believing 


SPEECH   OX   THE   NAVY  APPROPKIATION  BILL.    1.3.) 

it  to  be  impolitic,  unnecessary,  anti-republican,  and  pre 
mature.  I  am  willing  to  vote  the  usual  annual  sum, 
and  will  go  to  the  highest  of  either  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
years  ;  but  can  hot  give  support  to  the  bill  as  now  before 
us,  without  material  reduction. 


CHAPTER     XI. 

CONGRESS  —  NAVAL      REPORT. 

UNTIL  the  year  1843,  the  subject  of  Floating  Docks 
for  the  raising  and  repairing  of  Government  vessels,  had 
not  been  proposed.  The  old-fashioned  stone  docks  at 
Gosport  and  Norfolk  navy -yards,  were  still  in  fashion. 
So  were  old  fogies,  and  they  did  all  they  could  to  pre 
vent  improvements — innovations,  we  believe  they  called 
them.  But  Mr.  Wood  prepared  the  Keport ;  Mr.  Wise, 
the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  pre 
sented  it ;  it  was  approved,  and  now  is  presented  to  the 
intelligent  reader. 

REPORT 

OK 

NAYAL        AFFAIRS. 
JANUARY  10,  1848. 

THE  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  to  which  was  re 
ferred  a  Eeport  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  with 
accompanying  documents,  relating  to  dry  and  floating 
docks,  and  the  Brooklyn  Navy- Yard,  called  for  by  a 
resolution  of  the  House  of  the  19th  December,  beg  leave 
to  report : 


NAVAL  REPORT.  137 

That  they  have  given  the  subject  the  consideration 
which  its  importance  demands.  Dry-docks  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  Government  at  an  early  period.  The 
Navy  Department  was  established  in  April,  1798,  and 
the  following  December  the  Secretary  officially  expressed 
his  strong  conviction  of  their  necessity.  February  25th, 
1799,  a  law  passed  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  received 
the  sanction  of  the  President,  authorizing  the  construc 
tion  of  two  docks,  and  appropriating  $50,000  for  that 
purpose.  December  15,  1802,  the  President,  (Jeffer 
son,)  in  his  message  at  the  opening  of  Congress,  strenu 
ously  urged  the  construction  of  docks,  and  in  March, 
1813,  $100,000  was  appropriated  for  a  dock-yard  for 
repairing  ships  of  war.  These  appropriations  were  not 
expended,  owing,  as  is  supposed,  to  the  inadequacy  of 
the  sums  voted.  In  1814,  the  Secretary,  in  a  communi 
cation  to  the  chairman  of  the  Naval  Committee  of  the 
Senate,  again  urges  the  building  of  dry-docks.  In  1824, 
the  Navy  Commissioners  made  similar  recommendations. 
In  1825,  the  Secretary,  in  a  report  to  the  Senate,  enters 
fully  into  the  advantages  of  dry-docks,  showing  conclu 
sively  that  no  navy -yard  should  be  without  one,  or  its 
substitute :  and  in  1826,  in  a  communication  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  he  says,  "that  docks  have 
become  absolutely  necessary  for  the  prompt  and  speedy 
use  of  the  vessels  belonging  to  the  navy." 

Every  administration,  since  the  creation  of  the  navy, 
has  given  its  sanction,  either  by  the  approval  of  laws  or 
official  recommendation,  to  the  erection  of  docks  and 
other  necessary  facilities  for  repairs.  As  yet  but  two 
dry-docks  have  been  built :  the  one  at  Charlestown,  the 


138  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FEKKANDO  WOOD. 

other  at  Norfolk.  Either  of  these  points  is  eminently 
entitled  to  it.  The  sites  are  excellent,  and  other  advan 
tages  great.  Previous  to  the  commencement  of  these 
docks,  New- York  was  considered  as  the  first  position  to 
be  selected.  The  first  survey  made  of  the  several  points 
upon  the  Atlantic  coast,  which  offered  inducements  for 
the  establishing  of  navy  and  dock-yards,  placed  that 
harbor  among  the  most  favorable.  The  report  of  the 
survey,  made  to  the  Department  in  1818,  states  that, 
"next  to  Boston,  it  is  the  most  suitable  place  for  such 
an  establishment,  and  one  worthy  of  the  attention  of  the 
Government  as  a  naval  depot." 

But  opinions  have  varied  as  to  the  advantages  of  dif 
ferent  sites  within  the  waters  of  the  harbor.  Since  the 
location  of  the  yard,  repeated  attempts  have  been  made 
to  effect  a  change.  The  Secretary  has,  more  than  once 
within  the  last  ten  years,  contemplated  its  removal  to 
supposed  more  advantageous  positions.  To  procure  a 
better  site  for.  a  dry-dock,  has  been  among  the  motives 
given  for  desiring  another  situation.  In  May,  1835, 
Loammi  Baldwin,  Esq.,  was  appointed  by  the  Secretary 
"  to  make  the  necessary  soundings  and  examination,  and 
to  ascertain  whether  any  more  advantageous  site  for  a 
navy -yard  and  dock  presented  itself  within  the  harbor  of 
New- York."  June  3,  1836,  the  House  adopted  a  resolu 
tion  calling  for  information,  etc. ;  in  reply  to  which  the 
report  of  Colonel  Baldwin  was  presented.  February 
23, 1837;  the  subject  was  again  brought  before  the  House 
by  a  resolution  requiring  "  examinations  to  be  made  of 
the  various  positions  not  heretofore  examined  within  the 
waters  of  New- York  and  vicinity,  which  are  adapted  to 


NAVAL  EEPORT.  139 

the  establishment  and  construction  of  dry-docks,"  etc. 
In  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  Professor  Renwick,  of 
New- York,  was  appointed  to  make  the  examination. 
His  report,  made  in  December,  1837,  was  against  the 
Brooklyn  Navy- Yard,  and  in  favor  of  Constable's  Point, 
opposite  New- York,  on  the  New-Jersey  shore.  March, 
1838,  the  result  of  an  unofficial  survey,  by  Messrs.  Swift 
and  McNeill,  civil  engineers,  in  favor  of  Barn  Island, 
was  presented  to  the  House.  It  gave  great  preference 
to  that  over  any  other  site.  In  the  same  month,  a  com 
munication  was  laid  before  Congress  from  the  Navy 
Commissioners,  in  which  the  relative  merits  of  Brooklyn, 
Constable's  Point,  and  Barn  Island  are  fully  discussed. 
A  decided  preference  is  given  to  Brooklyn.  The  next 
and  latest,  and,  it  may  be  added,  the  most  satisfactory 
examination,  has  been  recently  made  at  the  instance  of 
the  present  Secretary,  who  appointed  Captains  Conner 
and  Shubrick,  and  Moncure  Robinson,  Esq.,  as  a  com 
mission  for  that  purpose.  Much  care  and  labor  were  be 
stowed  by  these  gentlemen  in  the  discharge  of  the  duty. 
Their  report  confirmed  what  had  previously  been  de 
clared  by  Colonel  Baldwin,  that  a  more  advantageous 
site  than  the  present  one  was  not  to  be  found  within  the 
waters  of  New- York  harbor.  Nearly  ten  years'  agitation 
and  investigation  leave  the  matter  precisely  where  it 
was  found.  The  original  selection  was  a  proper  one.  It 
does  appear  that  an  attentive  perusal  of  the  reports  which 
have  so  often  been  made,  would  have  long  since  pre 
cluded  the  supposition  that  a  change  was  necessary.  It 
is  now,  however,  permanently  settled.  No  further  doubt 
need  exist  as  to  the  permanency  of  the  present  position. 


140  BIOGRAPHY  OF   FERNANDO  WOOD. 

It  would  be  little  less  than  folly  or  madness  to  adopt 
another.  That  the  uncertain  disposition  of  this  question 
has  operated  against  the  erection  of  a  dock  in  Brooklyn, 
can  not  be  disputed. 

The  citizens  of  New- York  and  Brooklyn  have  fre 
quently  manifested  their  wishes  in  favor  of  some  provi 
sion  by  the  Government  for  the  repair  and  coppering  of 
ships  of  war.  They  have  held  public  meetings  and 
memorialized  Congress,  believing  there  was  cause  for 
complaint.  It  has  been  thought  by  them  as  little  less 
than  miraculous,  that  a  naval  station  of  its  importance 
should  remain  neglected ;  that  a  Government  almost 
exclusively  mercantile,  whose  defenses  and  warfare  were 
principally  maritime,  should  have  left  its  commercial 
emporium,  for  nearly  a  half-century  after  the  establish 
ment  of  its  navy,  without  a  work  so  indispensable.  Her 
tradesmen  and  mechanics  have  conceived  themselves 
deprived  of  a  portion  of  the  public  patronage  and  labor, 
which  is  due  alike  to  all.  The  concentration  of  national 
employment  at  one  or  two  favored  points  was  looked 
upon  as  hostile  to  their  interests,  and  not  in  keeping 
with  the  true  interests  of  the  country. 

It  was  deemed  a  grievance.  It  may  be  said  these  are 
not  points  for  the  consideration  of  the  Committee ;  that 
the  opinion  and  wishes  of  the  immediate  citizens  of  ISTew- 
York  and  Brooklyn  are  entitled  to  no  greater  weight 
than  a  corresponding  number  at  any  other  part  of  the 
Union ;  that  the  construction  of  public  works  is  paid  for 
out  of  the  national  treasury,  and  for  which  the  whole 
people  appropriate,  and  of  the  propriety  of  which  the 
whole  people  are  judges.  But  the  people  of  New- York 


NAVAL  REPORT.  141 

and  Brooklyn,  without  doubting  the  soundness  of  these 
positions  in  their  general  application,  conceive  their  case 
an  exception.  Their  reply  is,  that  when  any  portion  of 
the  people,  conscious  of  great  advantages,  believe  that, 
in  the  distribution  of  patronage,  a  discrimination  is  made 
against  them,  they  have  a  right  to  be  heard,  and  it  is  a 
fit  subject  for  the  deliberation  of  Congress ;  that  there  is 
cause  of  complaint  not  only  of  an  individual  wrong,  but 
a  national  evil;  for  a  division  of  public  employment 
"improves  and  augments  our  mechanics  and  artificers; 
gives  bread  to  a  portion  of  the  laboring  classes ;  induces 
the  improvement  of  our  cities  and  navigable  waters; 
contributes  to  a  more  efficient  and  general  defense  of  the 
places ;  renders  our  citizens  more  patriotic  and  contented 
with  their  Government,  and,  by  the  additional  interest 
which  it  gives  "them,  more  willing  to  defend  it."  Nor 
must  it  be  forgotten  that  the  navigating  and  ship-owning 
interests  of  New- York  have  a  deep  stake  in  the  adequacy 
of  the  naval  marine  to  protect  the  commercial  marine. 
The  harbor,  filled  with  shattered  and  disabled  ships  of 
war,  without  means  of  repair,  would  offer  but  slight 
resistance  to  hostile  fleets  upon  our  coast.  Innumerable 
cases  will  suggest  themselves,  in  which  serious  conse 
quences  may  ensue,  and  the  loss  of  public  and  private 
property  be  beyond  the  expense  of  many  dry-docks. 

As  a  naval  station,  New- York  has  peculiar  fitness, 
besides  the  extent  of  her  commerce.  Her  harbor  is 
spacious  and  well  fortified ;  her  channels  sufficiently  deep 
and  unobstructed;  her  position  central  and  command 
ing  ;  and  her  advantages  for  the  supply  of  materials  and 
skillful  workmen  unsurpassed,  if  equalled,  in  any  other 


142  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNAOTO  WOOD.    . 

port.  No  local  obstacle  prevents ;  and  a  longer  contin 
uance  of  the  absence  of  some  provision  for  the  repair  of 
ships  of  war  would  be  as  hazardous  and  detrimental  to 
the  property  of  the  Government  as  it  is  unjust  to  her 
commercial  interest. 

The  largeness  of  a  sum  sufficient  to  build  a  dry-dock 
there  has  attracted  attention.  To  vote  it  at  this  time  has 
elicited  opposition.  It  can  not  be  denied  that  the  ex 
hausted  condition  of  the  treasury  presents  a  serious  im 
pediment.  But  there  are  occasions  when  the  outlay  of 
money  will  conduce  to  the  advantage  of  the  Govern 
ment,  even  in  a  pecuniary  sense.  In  any  state  of  the 
treasury,  it  is  wise  to  erect  works  necessary  to  preserve 
existing  works.  It  will  not  be  asserted  that  it  is  impol 
itic,  even  under  our  present  embarrassments,  to  vote 
such  an  expenditure.  The  present  would  seem  an  in 
stance  of  this  kind.  It  has  been  represented  that  two 
ships  of  the  line,  the  Washington  and  Franklin,  now 
lying  at  the  Brooklyn  station,  not  movable  without 
heavy  repairs  and  expense,  will  require  docking  very 
soon,  to  save  them  from  abandonment.  The  latter  is  a 
noble  ship,  which,  by  razeeing,  could  be  made  one  of 
the  finest  frigates  in  the  service.  It  would  certainly  be 
unwise  to  leave  them  in  their  present  situation,  fast  fall 
ing  to  decay,  without  an  effort  to  save  them  from  a  total 
loss.  It  can  be  done  only  by  docking.  The  frigate 
Hudson,  also  lying  there,  has  already  been  sacrificed. 
A  survey  was  held  upon  her  in  November,  1841,  and 
she  was  condemned  as  unworthy  of  repairs.  The  Wash 
ington  and  Franklin,  if  much  longer  neglected,  will  most 
assuredly  be  placed  on  the  same  list. 


NAVAL  REPORT.  143 

Much  interest  has  recently  been  shown  by  the  public 
in  floating  dry-docks.  It  is  contended  that,  in  many 
respects,  they  possess  advantages  over  the  excavated 
docks,  besides  the  difference  in  cost  and  comparatively 
very  short  time  required  in  building ;  the  latter  of  these 
considerations  is  essential,  with  reference  to  saving  the 
ships  in  Brooklyn.  Fears  are  entertained  that  they 
would  be  lost  before  the  expiration  of  the  six  or  eight 
years  required  in  building  an  excavated  dock.  Many 
gentlemen  of  intelligence,  whose  opinions  are  entitled  to 
confident  reliance,  give  the  strongest  assurance  of  their 
belief  in  the  utility,  safety,  and  superior  advantages  of 
floating  dry-docks,  and  have  recommended  the  speedy 
construction  of  one  at  Brooklyn  to  raise  and  repair  the 
"Washington  and  Franklin. ' 

It  can  be  readily  conceived  that  a  proposition  to  con 
struct  a  dock  of  this  kind  will  be  received  with  alarm 
by  those  who  have  not  given  them  careful  investigation. 
It  will  be  looked  upon  by  many  as  an  experiment,  and 
fraught  with  danger.  The  idea  will  present  itself,  that 
an  attempt  is  to  be  made  to  raise  from  their  element  our 
ships  of  war,  each  weighing  thousands  of  tons,  by  the 
frail  and  uncertain  aid  of  a  wooden  machine,  slightly 
and  insecurely  constructed.  Unsteadiness,  instability, 
and  want  of  durability,  will  at  once  appear  insuperable 
objections.  Upon  attainment  of  knowledge  of  the  prin 
ciples  and  practical  operation  of  the  approved  dock,  it  is 
confidently  asserted,  all  such  fears  must  vanish.  As  in 
all  inventions,  when  first  presented,  prejudice  is  to  be 
combated  and  beaten  down  before  acquiescence  in  their 
utility  or  practicability  can  be  obtained — there  are  men 


144  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

who,  though,  intelligent  and  honest,  appear  to  be  op 
posed  to  every  thing  which  did  not  come  upon  the  stage 
before  themselves,  to  whom  innovations  are  as  revolting 
as  an  attempt  to  change  the  Government  or  revolutionize 
the  social  system.  As  applicable  to  improvements  in  the 
navy,  this  hostility  has  been  paramount.  Inventions  of 
the  first  merit,  promising  economy  of  time  and  money, 
and  the  addition  to  existing  usages  of  warfare  of  great 
facilities,  have  frequently  been  rejected.  No  branch  of 
the  public  service  more  requires  the  application  of  the 
production  of  intellect,  and  in  none  is  such  obstinate  re 
sistance  manifest.  The  world  is  following  progress  in 
its  onward  march  to  the  amelioration  of  the  condition 
and  advancement  of  mankind ;  the  arts  and  sciences  are 
being  exerted  for  the  simplification  of  mysteries  which 
for  centuries  have  slept  in  night,  and  the  discoveries  of 
philosophy  are  spreading  their  beneficent  influences  over 
every  movement  of  man.  The  governmental  policy  of 
the  powerful  of  European  nations  has  been  forced  into 
an  opposite  current  to  that  in  which  it  ran  for  ages  ;  in 
ternational  law  is  no  longer  expounded  by  the  cannon 
and  the  sword ;  the  military  tactics  of  Charles  XII.  and 
of  Napoleon,  each  in  their  day  so  formidable  and  per 
fect,  have  been  bettered  by  improvement ;  and  even  the 
every-day  utensils  of  husbandry  and  mechanical  tools  for 
the  present  time  would  not  be  recognized  by  the  original 
inventors.  Mind,  in  this  myriad  of  diversified  applica 
tions,  has,  with  superhuman  effort,  given  birth  to  a  new 
world,  comparatively  regenerated  and  disinthralled  from 
the  bigotry  and  prejudices  of  the  old  world.  The  navy 
alone  has  apparently  resisted  change.  She  has  nearly 


NAVAL  REPORT.  145 

stood  still  amidst  the  surrounding  advancement.  The 
vast  improvements  which  commercial  enterprise  has  be 
stowed  upon  the  merchant  marine  have  been  avoided 
and  decried  by  those  who  have  had  charge  of  the  naval 
marina  It  should  not  be.  The  efficiency  of  the  nation's 
right  arm  deserves  the  benefits  of  the  genius  and  skill 
of  the  world ;  not  only  is  it  entitled  to  all  meritorious 
improvements  of  our  own  country,  but  to  those  of  any 
other  people. 

The  present  head  of  the  Department  has-  evinced  a 
desire  to  adopt  an  opposite  course.  Credit  is  due  to 
him  for  a  disposition  to  pursue  another  policy  than  those 
who  doubt  the  merit  of  every  thing  new,  and  adhere 
tenaciously  to  every  thing  old.  He  evidently  desires  to 
keep  pace  with  the  spirit  of  the  age.  Several  experi 
ments  have  already  been  made,  to  the  adaptation  of 
science  to  useful  ends.  The  recent  discoveries  of  Pro 
fessor  Johnson  in  detecting  the  impurities  of  copper, 
thus  enabling  the  Government,  as  well  as  individuals,  to 
detect  impositions  which,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose, 
have  cost  many  millions,  are  beyond  estimate  in  import 
ance.  Other  experiments  have  been  made,  which  will 
prove  highly  beneficial  to  the  service. 

Floating  dry-docks  have  been  heretofore  but  imper 
fectly  understood.  The  generally-received  opinion,  that 
nothing  but  a,n  old-fashioned  excavated  or  walled  ary- 
dock  could  safely  perform  the  duty  of  docking  and  un- 
docking  ships  of  the  larger  class,  has  prevented  that 
attention  to  them  to  which  they  are  so  justly  entitled. 
Practical  gentlemen  have  too  often  taken  it  for  granted 
"  that  they  would  not  answer,"  refusing  a  fair,  dispas- 
7 


146  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

sionate,  practical  test.  To  this  spirit,  so  prevalent  in 
our  naval  service,  is  chargeable  the  tenacity  with  which 
old  ideas  and  old  customs  are  rigidly  followed. 

It  is  not  contended  that  the  principle  of  docking  ships 
by  means  of  a  floating  vessel  is  entirely  new.  The  gen 
eral  leading  feature  has  been  in  use  many  years ;  but  it 
is  believed  that  there  have  been  recently  added  to  it 
such  guards,  checks,  securities,  facilities,  and  advan 
tages,  as  to  render  it,  in  every  necessary  particular, 
capable  of  docking  and  undocking  the  largest  vessel  of 
war.  In  some  respects,  advantages  over  the  excavated 
dock  are  claimed  for  it  by  those  who  understand  the 
principles  of  each.  These  advantages  will  be  enumer 
ated  and  explained,  and  it  is  thought  satisfactorily,  to 
every  casual  observer. 

Among  the  papers  from  the  Secretary,  referred  to  the 
Committee,  is  the  report  of  a  commission  appointed  in 
October  last,  to  repair  to  New- York,  to  examine  and  wit 
ness  the  performance  of  the  floating  dry-docks  there,  and 
investigate  such  plans  as  should  be  submitted.  The 
gentlemen  composing  it  were  Capt.  Beverly  Kennon, 
United  States  Navy,  Col.  Samuel  Humphreys,  United 
States  chief  naval  constructor,  and  Walter  R.  Johnson, 
Esq.,  professor  of  mechanics  and  natural  philosophy.  It 
can  not  be  disputed  that  it  would  have  been  difficult,  if 
possible,  to  have  formed  a  court  of  investigation  with 
more  capacity  and  sounder  judgment.  The  scientific 
and  practical  information  necessary  to  insure  safe  con 
clusions  was  here  happily  blended.  Nothing  can  be 
hazarded  in  yielding  to  the  opinions  of  this  report.  The 
required  knowledge,  and  the  patient  investigation  which 


NAVAL  REPORT.  147 

is  indispensable  in  procuring  a  proper  understanding  of 
a  subject  so  intricate  and  intimately  connected  with,  and 
depending  upon,  scientific  principles,  were  laboriously- 
bestowed.  The  report  is  full  and  conclusive.  Seven 
different  plans  of  floating  docks  were  presented,  though 
only  two  were  exhibited  in  practice,  which  received 
minute  examination,  being  subjected  to  the  nicest  calcu 
lation.  Their  comparative  advantages  and  disadvan 
tages  went  through  the  ordeal  of  severe  scrutiny ;  and 
though  it  was  thought  but  one  would  answer  for  the 
naval  service,  the  other  was  pronounced  meritorious. 
They  were  the  balance  floating  dry-dock  of  Mr.  John  S. 
Gilbert,  and  the  sectional  floating  dry-dock  of  Mr.  S.  D. 
Dakin. 

The  operation  of  docking  and  undocking  the  largest 
class  of  merchant  ships  was-  performed  in  the  presence 
of  the  commission — a  full  and  detailed  account  of  which 
is  given  in  the  report.  The  comparative  advantages 
are  fully  shown.  A  preference  is  given  to  the  balance- 
dock,  in  the  most  decided  language.  Insuperable  objec 
tions  against  the  other  are  enumerated,  one  of  which 
(namely,  that  much  greater  depth  of  water  than  can  be 
found  at  the  Brooklyn  yard  will  be  required  for  its  ac 
tion)  is  enough  to  put  it  out  of  the  question,  as  far  as 
that  station  is  concerned.  The  balance-dock  is  free  from 
this  difficulty,  owing  to  its  construction  upon  an  entirely 
different  principle.  In  it,  the  ship  intended  to  be  docked 
is  admitted,  as  in  an  excavated  dock,  between  the  sides ; 
whereas  with  the  former,  the  whole  dock  must  rest 
under  the  ship^  and  consequently,  drawing  not  only 
the  draught  of  the  vessel,  but  also  of  the  dock.  As,  for 


148  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

instance,  if  a  ship  draws  twenty-five  feet  water,  and 
the  dock  twenty  feet,  it  will  require  forty -five  feet  water 
to  dock  her  in.  The  assertion  that  floating  dry-docks 
have  advantages  over  the  excavated  dry- dock  is  fully 
made  out  by  the  balance-dock. 

The  objections  to  excavated  docks  are: 

1.  Want  of  light  and  room.  They  are  constructed 
extremely  narrow,  having  but  spa,ce  enough  for  the 
vessel.  The  narrow  construction  arises  from  the  neces 
sity  of  lessening  the  pressure  of  water  on  the  gates  and 
under  side  of  the  bottom,  which  being  computed  by  the 
area  of  the  bottom,  will  be  found  immense.  This  pres 
sure  of  water  is  frequently  the  cause  of  accident,  and 
always  of  unpleasant  consequences.  Commodore  Stew 
art,  in  a  communication  made  to  Mr.  Paynter,  member 
of  the  Naval  Committee  in  1838,  writes  that,  "  owing 
to  this  constant  pressure  of  water  upon  the  gates,  they 
are  always  leaking,  and  the  water  springing  into  the 
dock,  and  the  bottom  is  kept  overflowed  and  wet,  which 
requires  almost  constant  pumping  for  the  purpose  of 
draining  it  off."  It  is  to  obviate  this  difficulty,  by  less 
ening  the  pressure,  that  they  are  built  as  narrow  as  the 
admission  of  the  vessel  will  allow.  Hence  it  is  that  not 
sufficient  light  is  thrown  upon  the  hull.  In  clouded 
days,  artificial  light  must  be  introduced,  to  enable  the 
workmen  to  perform  their  work.  It  follows,  that  the 
quantity  as  well  as  the  quality  of  the  work  is  not  as  it 
would  be  if  done  under  the  bright  rays  of  the  sun,  or 
if  not  restricted  from  the  usual  light  by  high  walls.  A 
diminution  in  quantity  and  deterioration  in  quality  must 
ensue.  It  may  well  be  a  question  whether  the  enor- 


NAVAL  REPORT.  149 

mous  expense  attending  the  repairing  of  vessels  of  war 
has  not,  in  part,  been  contributed  to  by  this  want  of 
light  in  dry-docks.  It  is  well  ascertained  that,  with 
artificial  light,  the  caulking  of  seams  and  coppering 
can  not  be  as  well  performed  as  with  the  natural  light 
of  day. 

Another  evil,  arising  from  the  same  cause,  is  the  dif 
ficulty  in  getting  long  pieces  of  timber  into  the  dock, 
and  preparing  them  for  being  placed  upon  the  keel  or 
bottom. 

The  balance  floating-dock  is  without  these  objections. 
There  is  no  necessity  for  narrow  construction  or  high 
sides.  The  pressure  of  water  is  upon  all  its  parts.  To 
give  room  to  workmen,  it  is  made  double  the  width 
and  much  longer  than  the  largest  ship  to  be  inclosed 
in  it — thus  at  once  securing  light,  room,  air,  and  effect 
ive  power. 

2.  The  health  of  the  workmen.    The  extreme  damp 
ness  of  an  excavated  dock  is  detrimental  and  sometimes 
fatal  to  those  engaged  in  them.     The  mechanics  are 
crowded  together  eleven  hours  daily,  in  wet  and  cold, 
and  a  humid  atmosphere.     Diseases  of  a  peculiar  and 
serious  character  are  frequently  the  result.     Floating 
dry-docks  are  without  this  evil.     In  them  the  labor  is 
performed  on  a  dry  floor,  with  good  light,  and  sufficient 
ventilation.     . 

3.  The  labor  in  docking  a  vessel  upon  the  excavated 
dock  is  increased  as  the  size  and  weight  of  the  vessel 
docked  is  decreased.     Greater  power  is  necessary  to  dock 
the  smallest .  sloop  of  war  than  the  largest  ship  of  the 
line;    which  is  not  the  case  with  the  balance-dock. 


150  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FEKNAKDO  WOOD. 

With  the  latter,  the  reverse  is  the  fact.  The  smaller 
the  vessel,  the  less  the  required  labor  and  power,  and 
vice  versa. 

4.  There   is  less   safety  in    the  excavated    docks. 
The  gates,  being  of  wood,  are  liable  to  decay,  and  to  be 
forced  open  by  the  pressure   against  them,  which   is 
increased  by  the  necessity  of  constructing  them  high,  to 
keep  out  extraordinary  tides.     The  alternate  exposure 
to  wet  and  dry  increases  the  chances  of  accident,  by  de 
creasing  the  strength  of  the  wood  of  which  they  are 
made.     In  1838,  the  gates  of  a  dock  in  France  gave 
way,   thereby   drowning  and    killing  fifteen  persons. 
Similar  accidents,  destroying,  in  one  instance,  eighty 
persons,  are  said  to  have  occurred  in  England. 

The  balance-dock  is  without  this  objection.  As  has 
been  seen,  there  is  no  extraordinary  pressure  upon  any 
part,  and  what  there  may  be  is  equal  upon  all  its  parts. 
The  strain  which,  in  the  excavated  dock,  is  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  gates,  is  borne  by  it  upon  the  sides  and 
ends,  thus  operating  as  a  preventive  to  accidents,  and 
not  inviting  them. 

5.  The  time  required  to  build.     It  is  estimated  that 
from  six  to  eight  years  will  be  required  to  build  an  ex 
cavated  dock,  and  but  as  many  months  for  a  balance- 
dock.     Upon  this  point,  the  report  of  the  commission 
properly  remarks :  "If  the  Government  were  at  war, 
and  had,  in  the  harbor  of  New- York,  several  disabled 
vessels  which  could  not  make  their  way  to  Norfolk  or 
Charlestown,  and  the  question  was  the  most  speedy 
method  of  getting  docked,  it  would  doubtless  render 
this  consideration  important,  independent  of  the  loss  of 


NAVAL  REPORT.  151 

interest  or  cost  between  the  commencement  or  completion 
of  a  walled  (excavated)  dock." 

6.  It  is  stationary.     The  balance-dock  could  be  re 
moved  from  one  position  to  another,  whenever  conveni 
ence  or  safety  required.     The  advantage  of  this  quality 
is  too  obvious  to  need  comment. 

7.  Difference  in  original  cost     The  estimates  for  an 
excavated  dock  (at  Brooklyn)   are  from  $900,000  to 
$1,300,000. 

Mr.  Gilbert,  the  inventor  and  constructor  of  the  bal 
ance-dock,  offers  to  contract  with  the  Government  to 
build  a  dock  on  the  plan,  240  feet  long,  85  feet  wide, 
and  33  feet  high,  (large  enough  and  with  power  enough 
to  raise  the  ship-of-the-line  Pennsylvania,)  for  $250,000 ; 
if  built  inside  of  an  iron  tank,  as  high  as  the  load  line, 
$260,000  ;  and  if  all  of  iron,  or  such  parts  as  would  be 
necessary,  but  little  variation  from  that  sum.  Of  course 
the  price  would  vary  according  to  the  size  and  material 
of  which  it  was  built.  Take  $1,100,000  (a  medium 
sum  between  the  estimates  for  an  excavated  dock)  as 
about  the  cost,  and  it  will  be  seen  that  there  will  be 
$850,000  difference  in  cost  of  building.  The  interest 
on  the  cost  of  the  excavated  dock  would  be  $66,000 
per  annum,  when  calculated  at  6  per  cent.,  and  would, 
in  four  years,  amount  to  $264,000 — a  greater  sum  than 
is  required  to  construct  a  balance-dock.  Thus  it  is  seen 
one  of  them  could  be  built  every  four  years  for  the 
interest  of  the  cost  of  the  excavated  dock.  It  would 
not  take  many  years  to  place  a  dock  at  every  southern 
port,  where  they  are  so  much  wanted,  by  the  appropria 
tion  of  merely  the  interest  of  constructing  one  dry-dock 


152  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

on  the  old  plan.  Another  consideration,  too  important 
to  be  overlooked,  is,  that  there  would  be  much  greater 
distribution  and  quantity  of  labor  given  to  mechanics. 

These  are  the  prominent  advantages  of  the  balance- 
dock  over  the  excavated  dock.  In  several  material 
points,  they  are  worthy  of  further  discussion  and  ampli 
fication  than  can  be  given  in  this  report. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  notice  the  common  supposed 
objections  to  floating  dry-docks. 

1.  They  are  constructed  of  perishable  materials,  and 
are  subject  to  decay  and  accident. 

If  built  in  a  galvanized  wrought-iron  tank,  as  pro 
posed  by  the  commission,  this  objection  and  its  conse 
quences  are  at  once  dissipated.  Its  durability  would  be 
secured ;  nor  would  it  require  repair — having,  in  that 
particular,  an  advantage  over  the  excavated  dock.  The 
gates  of  the  latter  being  of  necessity  built  of  wood,  and, 
as  has  been  stated,  alternately  exposed  to  wet  and  dry, 
their  liability  to  decay  is  increased.  Frequent  examina- 
nations  are  required  ;  and,  when  repaired,  it  is  in  some 
cases  necessary  to  build  a  coffer-dam,  at  a  heavy  expense. 
No  accident  to  the  hull  of  the  balance-dock  can  affect 
its  stability,  or  its  retention  of  upright  position — the 
space  between  the  outer  and  inner  walls  being  divided 
into  small  cells.  If  it  were  possible  to  perforate  it,  the 
water  would  flow  over  the  whole  platform,  thereby  pre 
serving  a  perfect  level. 

2.  A  vessel  of  the  first  class  would  be  unsafe  if  for 
any  length  of  time  in  a  floating  dock. 

The  fact  tha,t  the  floating  dry-docks  of  New- York 
have  sustained  the  largest  merchant  ships  as  long  as  it 


NAVAL  REPORT.  153 

could  be  probable  would  ever  be  required  in  the  navy, 
is  a  sufficient  reply  to  this  objection.  No  accident  from 
this  cause,  nor,  indeed,  any  other,  has  happened.  It  is 
no  reply  to  say  that  the  danger  is  increased  with  the 
size  of  the  vessel  docked.  A  floating  dock  which  will 
lift  and  sustain  one  thousand  tons  will  lift  and  sustain 
four  thousand  tons,  provided  it  is  constructed  large 
enough  to  admit  the  vessel,  and  all  its  parts  are  increased 
in  strength  in  proportion  to  its  increase  of  size.  Its 
width  is  always  nearly  double  that  of  the  largest  ship 
intended  to  be  docked  ;  consequently,  the  effective  pow 
er  and  strength  is  superior  to  that  which  is  required  to 
safely  sustain  any  ship  which  it  is  spacious  enough  to 
hold.  If  made  of  iron,  all  doubts  upon  this  point  must 
certainly  vanish. 

In  reply  to  a  letter  addressed  to  Professor  Johnson, 
since  the  report  of  the  commissioners,  asking  whether, 
in  his  opinion,  the  naked  hull  of  a  ship-of-the-line  (hav 
ing  reference  to  those  now  at  New- York)  could  be  safely 
lifted  and  sustained  in  a  floating  dock,  he  says :  "In 
reply  to  the  specific  question  which  you  propound,  I 
would  say  that,  if  built  in  a  substantial  and  workman- 
like  manner,  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt  that  a  dock  on 
that  (Gilbert's)  plan  could  safely  lift  and  sustain  the 
naked  hull  of  a  ship-of-the-line."  He  evidently  alludes 
to  a  wooden  dock.  If  built  of  iron,  there  could  be  but 
little,  if  any,  difference  between  it  and  the  excavated 
dock,  as  to  accident  and  strength. 

3.  The  unsteady  position  and  chances  of  straining  or 
hogging  the  ship  whilst  in  dock. 

This   objection,  however  true  of  floating  dry-docks 


154  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

generally,  can  not  lie  against  the  balance  dry-dock.  It 
is  guarded  against  fully.  There  is  a  perfect  adaptation 
of  the  line  of  keel -blocks  to  the  line  of  the  keel  of  the 
vessel,  which  gives  it  an  unyielding  and  firm  support. 
It  has  a  counterpoise  to  the  weight  of  the  ship,  which  is 
distributed  over  the  whole  platform. 

The  large  area  of  water  covered  by  the  length,  width, 
and  weight  of  the  dock  keep  the  whole  in  an  immov 
able  position.  The  one  now  in  the  Hudson  river,  at 
New- York,  lying  in  the  most  exposed  part  of  the  har 
bor,  where  severe  north-western  winds  prevail  three 
months  in  the  year,  has  never  met  with  hindrance  or 
accident  to  either  dock  or  vessel. 

If  the  advantages  claimed  for  the  balance  dry-dock 
rested  upon  no  other  basis  than  theory,  or  its  operation 
by  a  model,  it  would  be  temerity  to  recommend  one  for 
the  Government.  The  value  of  a  vessel  of  war,  or,  in 
deed,  the  cost  of  the  dock,  would  be  too  great  to  intrust 
to  the  hazard  of  an  experiment.  However  urgent  may 
be  the  necessity,  New- York  had  better  remain  without  a 
dock  than  to  adopt  one  which,  if  failing,  loss  of  property 
so  great  would  ensue.  It  could  not  aid  the  cause  of 
progress  and  improvement  to  adopt  any  plan  of  dock  as 
a  substitute,  or  even  auxiliary  to  a  dry-dock,  which 
would  not  entirely  answer  the  purpose.  An  experi 
ment  is  not  made  in  constructing  a  balance-dock.  It  is 
already  in  successful  operation  at  New- York  for  1500 
tons,  a,nd  at  Amsterdam  for  4000  tons. 

The  Dutch  East-India  Company  paid  12,000  guilders 
for  simply  the  model  and  drawings  from  which  (so 
simple  are  its  principles)  it  was  constructed.  At  the 


NAVAL  REPORT.  155 

latest  intelligence,  this  dock  was  efficiently  performing 
its  duty,  and  no  accident  "had  occurred.  Its  lifting 
power,  being  4000  tons,  is  nearly  1000  greater  than 
the  ship-of-the-line  Pennsylvania,  and  more  than  the 
Secretary  tells  us  will  be  required,  owing  to  the  inten 
tion  of  the  Department  to  dismantle  before  docking. 

The  Austrian  Government  has  also  made  application 
to  Mr.  Gilbert.  Baron  Ghega,  chief  engineer  of  Aus 
tria,  in  behalf  of  his  Government,  after  examining  all 
the  means  in  use  in  raising  vessels  in  Europe  and  Ame 
rica,  gave  the  preference  to  this  plan,  and  made  official 
report  to  that  effect. 

After  mature  deliberation,  and  a  review  of  the  many 
considerations  to  be  weighed  in  arriving  at  correct  con 
clusions,  the  Committee  recommend  that  the  existing 
appropriation  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  voted  at 
last  session  towards  the  building  at  Brooklyn  of  a  dry- 
dock  or  floating  dock,  according  to  the  discretion  of  the 
Secretary,  be  applied  to  the  construction  of  a  balance 
floating  dry-dock,  and  report  a  joint  resolution  to  that 
effect. 


CHAPTER     XII. 

ELECTION  OF  MAYOR  "WOOD — DIFFICULTIES  IN  THE  WAY  OF  GOVERNMENT- 
DISPOSITIONS  OF  THE  NEW   MAYOR — COMPLAINT-BOOK. 

OF  New- York,  and  of  the  difficulties  it  presents  in  the 
way  of  government,  we  have  said  nearly  all  we  have  to 
say,  in  our  initial  chapter.  It  was  an  odd,  wild  metro 
polis,  wherein  if  we  had  not  two  or  three  murders  or  a 
spicy  riot  or  two  with  our  matutinal  tea  or  coffee,  we  were 
disappointed.  We  lunched  upon  improprieties  ;  we  dis 
sipated  upon  frightful  bills  of  mortality;  rollicked  in 
muddy  streets ;  and  looked  upon  our  rulers  chiefly  as 
divinely-appointed  guides  to  Schuylerism  and  other 
modern  accomplishments. 

The  citizens  were  disheartened,  or  had  grown  callous, 
and  so  careless.  There  was  a  sort  of  blind  confidence  in 
a  protecting  fate,  on  the  part  of  some  ;  while  the  more 
energetic  talked  in  a  revolutionary  manner  about  re- 
obtaining  a  good  government.  The  press  was  filled  with 
complaints  of  official  corruption,  useless  expenditure  of 
public  money,  over-taxation,  and  improper  contracting. 
The  streets  were  filthy  to  an  abominable  degree,  and 
the  health  of  the  city  exceedingly  endangered ;  paupers 
in  myriads  were  emptied  from  polluted  ships  upon  our 


ELECTION  OF  MAYOR  WOOD.  157 

shores,  to  become  the  prey  of  the  emigrant-runners,  or  a 
burden  upon  the  charities  of  the  city. 

Such  was  our  condition  in  the  month  of  November, 
1854,  when  the  election  for  the  Municipal  Government 
of  New- York  was  held.  The  Democratic  party  was  at 
variance  with  itself;  the  secret  Know-Nothing  organiza 
tion  was  fresh  and  powerful ;  the  "Whigs,  though  not 
numerous,  were  resolved  to  be  Whig,  and  a  new  Eeform 
party  had  been  established.  So  there  were  four  parties 
in  the  field,  the  Whigs  nominating  Mr.  J.  J.  Herrick  as 
their  candidate  for  the  Mayoralty;  the  Eeform  party 
nominating  Mr.  Wilson  J.  Hunt ;  the  Know-Nothings, 
Mr.  J.  W.  Barker ;  and  both  sections  of  the  Democratic 
party  uniting  on  Fernando  Wood. 

Against  three  candidates,  then,  and  with  disaffection 
in  his  own  party,  Mr.  Wood,  after  a  violent  struggle, 
was  elected  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  the  city  of  New- 
York.  Many  citizens  abstained  entirely  from  giving 
any  vote  for  Mayor,  for  the  number  of  gubernatorial 
votes  cast  was  60,367,  while  for  Mayor  but  59,643  were 
given.  Of  these,  Herrick  received  5696  votes ;  Hunt, 
15,397  ;  Barker,  18,547  ;  Wood,  20,003  :  total,  59,643: 
making  the  majority  of  the  victor  over  his  chief  opponent 
1456,  and  securing  his  election. 

On  the  first  of  January,  1855,  at  noonday,  he  was 
solemnly  inaugurated,  taking  the  oath  of  office,  and 
entering  instantly  upon  the  execution  of  the  duties  of 
that  office. 

There  were  immense  difficulties  in  his  way.  Parts  of  six 
different  city  charters  had  created  no  less  than  nine  exe 
cutive  departments,  each  claiming  sovereign  authority 


158  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

and  independence.  What  power  the  Mayor  possessed 
was  hidden  by  long  neglect,  or  want  of  definiteness,  or 
sluggishness  of  former  incumbents,  till  it  appeared  to  be 
non-existent  altogether. 

But  a  resolute,  energetic,  untiring,  persistent,  strong- 
willed  man  had  been  called  to  the  head  of  affairs.  He 
supposed  himself  elected  to  do  something,  and  resolutely 
set  to  work  to  find  out  what  that  something  was,  and 
then  to  do  it.  His  idea  of  a  government  was  the  simple 
one — a  power  which  governs.  He  intended  to  discover 
whether  he  had  any  such  power.  If  he  had,  he  meant 
to  use  it  to  the  fullest  and  most  absolute  extent  which 
the  interests  of  the  people  and  the  welfare  of  the  city 
required. 

To  judge  of  the  immense  difficulties,  almost  incon 
ceivable,  in  the  way  of  ruling  this  huge  town  of  ours, 
the  first  two  messages — the  inaugural,  and  the  message 
of  January  11 — must  be  carefully  read.  The  latter  sets 
forth,  in  the  most  distinct  and  masterly  manner,  the 
obstacles  to  be  overcome,  the  needs  existing ;  and  both 
exhibit  the  quiet,  immovable  determination  of  a  strong 
man  to  crush  or  surmount  those  obstacles,  to  satisfy 
those  necessities  of  the  people. 

He  does  not  hide  his  knowledge  of  the  difficulty,  nor 
yet  his  will  to  conquer  it.  In  his  inaugural,  he  says  to 
the  Common  Council : 

THE  present  is  not  an  auspicious  time  to  commence  a 
new  administration  ;  it  is  beyond  the  ability  of  any  man, 
exercising  the  duties  of  this  office  under  the  city  charter, 
to  give  this  people  that  government  which  appears  to  be 


FIRST  MESSAGE  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL.      159 

so  generally  expected,  and  which  is  certainly  so  much 
required. 

However  we  may  differ  as  to  the  cause,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  a  pervading  dissatisfaction  with  the  municipal 
affairs  of  this  city.  That  this  feeling  exists,  and  that  there 
are  sufficient  grounds  for  it,  all  must  admit ;  whether  it 
arises  from  defects  in  the  fundamental  laws,  or  from  im 
proper  local  legislation,  or  from  mal-administration  upon 
the  part  of  those  intrusted  with  the  executive  duties,  are 
questions  upon  which  there  is  diversity  of  opinion :  in 
my  judgment,  all  of  these  are  the  causes. 

The  amended  charter  of  1830  was  preferable  to  the 
present  system.  Admitting  that  it  required  modification, 
the  subsequent  amendments  have  but  increased  the  diffi 
culties. 

The  allegation  that  it  was  inadequate  to  the  increased 
size  and  wants  of  the  city,  was,  in  my  opinion,  entirely 
without  foundation. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  as  applicable 
to  the  present  greatness  of  the  Eepublic  as  it  was  to  the 
Federal  Union  at  the  time  of  its  adoption.  Had  amend 
ments  been  made  to  it  at  the  instance  of  every  party  or 
statesman  who  deemed  it  insufficient,  we  should  have 
fallen  to  the  same  condition  as  a  nation  that  this  city  has 
as  a  corporation. 

The  mistake  in  disturbing  the  charter  of  1830  was  not 
only  in  the  alteration  effected,  but  also  in  the  introduc 
tion  of  an  uneasy  spirit  in  the  people,  who,  by  the  con 
tinual  application  to  State  legislation,  have  been  taught 
to  look  to  foreign  remedies  for  domestic  abuses. 

Thus  have-  we  transferred  to  Albany  much  that  could 


160  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

have  been  better  cared  for  among  ourselves ;  forgetting 
the  old  republican  maxim,  that  no  power  should  be 
delegated  which  can  be  exercised  by  the  people  them 
selves.  This  principle  should  never  be  forgotten.  It 
was  faithfully  adhered  to  by  the  framers  of  the  national 
Constitution.  In  all  countries  and  in  all  ages,  the  utmost 
caution  has  been  observed  in  granting  to  representatives 
the  right  of  even  ordinary  legislation. 

We  should  not  present  the  first  instance  in  which  a 
people  voluntarily  surrenders  the  power  to  form  the  or 
ganic  laws — yielding  that  highest  of  all  prerogatives  to 
men  who  owe  us  no  responsibility,  are  not  chosen  by 
our  suffrages,  who  are  foreign  to  our  interests,  do  not 
understand  our  wants,  and  who,  consequently,  are  liable 
to  become  the  tools  of  designing  men,  having  selfish  or 
corrupt  objects  of  their  own  to  obtain. 

Amendments  to  the  charter  of  1830  have,  one  after 
another,  been  adopted  at  Albany,  until  now  we  are  ad 
ministering  the  government  by  portions  of  six  different 
charters,  which  create  nine  executive  departments,  having 
undefined,  doubtful,  and  conflicting  powers,  with  heads 
elected  by  the  people,  each  assuming  to  be  sovereign,  and 
independent  of  the  others,  of  the  Mayor,  or  of  any  other 
authority  •  and  beyond  the  reach  of  any,  except  that  of 
impeachment  by  the  Common  Council,  which  never  has 
been,  and  probably  never  will  be,  exercised. 

This  irresponsibility  has  been  productive  of  careless 
ness  in  expenditure,  and  negligence  in  the  execution  of 
the  ordinances. 

Thus,  in  the  attempts  to  remedy  defects  by  foreign 
aid,  which  could  have  been  accomplished  at  home,  we 


FIRST  MESSAGE  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.      161 

have-  fastened  upon  ourselves  a  complicated,  many- 
headed,  ill-shaped  and  uncontrollable  monster,  which 
has  not,  in  my  opinion,  developed  its  worst  character 
istics. 

So  far  as  my  duties  are  defined,  I  feel  some  embarrass 
ment.  Even  coordinate  powers  with  the  several  execu 
tive  departments  are  denied  to  me  in  some  quarters ; 
and  the  fact  that  my  predecessors,  under  the  new  char 
ters,  have  not  attempted  their  exercise,  is  relied  upon  as 
sustaining  this  position. 

Without  desiring  to  question  the  wisdom  of  those  who 
have  preceded  me  in  this  office,  I  must  be  permitted  to 
construe  my  powers  and  duties  as  I  understand'  them. 
Restricted  as  the  prerogatives  of  the  Mayor  have  been 
by  almost  every  legislative  act  appertaining  to  the  gov 
ernment  of  this  city,  for  several  years,  still  there  is  suffi 
cient  left  to  instill  more  energy  into  the  administration 
than  now  exists,  and  to  hold  at  least  a  supervisory  check 
over  the  whole  city  government. 

It  is  true,  that  though  ostensibly  head  of  the  Police 
Department,  he  is  not  so  practically,  in  the  essential  ele 
ment  of  authority — that  of  controlling  the  retention  or 
removal  of  his  own  subordinates.  The  Chief  of  Police 
holds  his  place  independent  of  the  Mayor,  that  officer 
having  been  appointed  during  "  good  behavior,"  by  the 
late  Mayor  and  Board  of  Commissioners,  under  the  law 
of  1853,  which  they  construed  to  give  that  authority. 
He  can  not,  solus,  appoint  or  remove  the  humblest  sub 
ordinate  in  the  service,  nor  make  the  rules  and  regula 
tions  for  its  governance.  Of  these  requisites  of  power, 
so  necessary  to  make  an  efficient  police  corps,  he  is  by 


162  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

law  deprived.  Discipline  can  only  be  obtained  and 
maintained  by  the  firm  hand  of  unrestricted  power ; 
besides,  it  is  wrong  in  principle  to  make  any  public 
officer  responsible  for  the  acts  of  subordinates  who  are 
placed  beyond  his  individual  power  to  remove. 

These  are  some  of  the  evils  arising  from  the  frequent 
application  to  State  legislation  for  this  city.  Instead  of 
a  simple  form  of  government,  easily  understood,  the 
power  of  its  officers  so  well  denned  that  there  could  be 
no  conflict  or  misunderstanding,  we  have  one  full  of  the 
objections  referred  to. 

It  is  not  my  purpose,  at  this  time,  to  indicate  a  sub 
stitute,  though  I  can  not  omit  to  add  my  belief,  that  the 
most  perfect  form  of  government  was  that  adopted  by 
the  framers  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  Its  clear  and 
simple  provisions  are  equally  applicable  to  municipal 
corporations,  or  to  a  nation  of  a  hundred  millions.  The 
Mayor  should  be  to  the  city  what  the  President  is  to  the 
General  Government.  There  should  be  corresponding 
executive  departments,  with  heads  selected  by  the  Mayor, 
(subject  to  the  confirmation  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen,) 
who  should  have  entire  control,  and  be,  himself,  respon 
sible  to  the  people.  The  Mayor  and  heads  of  depart 
ments  should  meet  in  council,  and  have  a  general  uni 
formity  of  action  and  cooperation  with  each  other,  in 
carrying  out  the  laws,  and  preserving  the  general  inter 
ests  of  the  city.  Over  the  whole  should  govern  the 
Chief  Magistrate ;  he  should  have  the  one-man  power, 
which  history  teaches  is  the  least  dangerous,  and  the 
most  positive  for  good. 

Certainly  we  have  suffered  more  from  legislative  as- 


FIRST  MESSAGE  TO  THE   COMMON   COUNCIL.      163 

sumptions,  or  misconduct  of  subordinates  in  authority, 
than  from  the  tyranny  or  corruption  of  a  chief  ruler. 

Precedent  shows  there  is  safety  in  the  latter,  not  only 

j  j 

in  the  exercise  of  authority  for  the  public  weal,  but  as  a 
barrier  against  the  wrong  doings  of  the  former.  The 
stronger  the  head  the  more  healthy  the  body ;  but  if 
strength  is  taken  away  by  diverting  it  to  a  multitude  of 
heads,  the  whole  becomes  enervated,  and  .unable  to  dis 
charge  its  functions. 

Concentration,  with  ample  power,  insures  efficiency, 
because  it  creates  one  high  responsible  authority.  De 
centralization  is  subversive  of  all  good  executive  govern 
ment. 

This  want  of  concentration  has  been  the  prime  cause 
of  the  immense  load  of  taxation  which  we  now  bear. 
To  compare  the  relative  taxation  per  individual,  under 
the  charter  of  1830,  and  that  now  existing,  will  prove 
this  assertion. 

In  1843,  the  amount  raised  by  tax  for  the  support  of 
the  city  government,  was  one  million  seven  hundred  and 
forty-seven  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixteen  dollars 
and  fifty-nine  cents ;  whereas,  in  1853,  it  was  five  mil 
lions  sixty-seven  thousand  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  dollars  and  sixty -nine  cents ;  and  this  year  it  is  nearly 
six  millions;  a  startling  increase.  Need  you  be  told 
that  this  addition  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  per  centum, 
is  the  result  of  either  corruption  or  wasteful  extrava 
gance,  the  natural  consequence  of  irresponsibility  ? 

And  here  let  me  diverge  to  remark  that  to  tolerate 
profligate  outlays  of  the  public  money,  whilst  nearly 
one  tenth  of  our  whole  population  are  in  want  of  the 


164  BIOGRAPHY   OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

necessaries  of  life,  is  as  shocking  to  humanity  as  it  is  in- 
j  ustice  to  a  large  and  valuable  class  of  our  suffering  fel 
low  citizens. 

Surely  we  are  admonished  that  if  this  rate  of  taxation 
be  continued,  more  of  it  should  be  devoted  to  the  relief 
of  the  poor,  whose  industry  bears  most  of  its  burdens, 
and  who  are  now  ringing  into  our  ears  their  cries  of  dis 
tress.  Labor  was  never  so  depressed  as  now.  Employ 
ment  is  almost  entirely  cut  off,  and  if  procured,  its 
remuneration  is  totally  inadequate,  owing  to  the  high 
price  of  articles  of  subsistence.  The  prices  of  labor  and 
of  food  bear  no  relative  equality. 

In  ordinary  times  of  general  prosperity  capital  pos 
sesses  advantages  over  labor. 

Capital  can  always  protect  itself,  and  it  is  only  at 
periods  of  inflation,  when  capital  is  directed  to  specula 
tion  in  the  products  of  labor,  that  the  operative  is  appre 
ciated,  and  his  industry  rewarded  by  competent  compen 
sation. 

But  now,  when  capital  either  timidly  retreats,  through 
fear,  to  the  bank-vaults,  or  is  diverted  to  the  oppression, 
for  gain,  of  those  who  employ  labor,  his  condition  is  sad 
enough.  Does  it  not  behove  us,  not  only  individually, 
but  in  our  corporate  capacity,  to  throw  ourselves  boldly 
forward  to  his  relief? 

This  is  the  time  to  remember  the  poor ! 

Do  we  not  owe  industry  every  thing  ?  It  is  its  pro 
ducts  that  has  built  up  this  great  city. 

Do  not  let  us  be  ungrateful  as  well  as  inhuman.  Do 
not  let  it  be  said  that  labor,  which  produces  every  thing, 
gets  nothing,  and  dies  of  hunger  in  our  midst,  whilst 


FIRST  MESSAGE  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.     165 

capital,  which  produces  nothing,  gets  every  thing,  and 
pampers  in  luxury  and  plenty. 

It  is  our  duty  to  take  and  administer  this  government 
under  the  charters  and  laws  as  we  find  them,  until  a 
change  is  effected  for  the  better.  Valuable  improve 
ments  can  now  be  made,  notwithstanding  these  objec 
tions  to  the  system.  All  the  evils  of  which  the  people 
complain  are  not  chargeable  to  wrong  legislation.  If 
the  Common  Council  will  be  more  cautious  in  the  pas 
sage  of  ordinances,  especially  those  involving  disburse 
ments  of  money,  holding  fast  to  the  purse-strings  as 
against  the  harpies,  who  for  many  years  have  hovered 
around  its  chambers,  and  if  the  executive  bureaux  will 
cooperate  with  me  in  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the  laws, 
and  particularly  in  restraining  expense,  and  exacting  a 
faithful  performance  of  every  contract,  we  may  do  much 
towards  removing  the  present  discontent. 

Most  assuredly  the  people  pay  enough  for  the  better 
administration  of  their  public  affairs ;  and  it  has  never 
appeared  to  me  that  they  were  unreasonable  in  their  re 
quirements. 

They  ask  public  order ;  the  suppression  of  crime  and 
vice ;  clean  streets ;  the  removal  of  nuisances  and  aboli 
tion  of  abuses ;  a  restriction  of  taxation  to  the  absolute 
wants  of  an  economically  administered  government,  and 
a  prompt  execution  of  the  laws  and  ordinances.  Let  us 
endeavor  to  meet  their  expectations. 

For  myself,  I  desire  to  announce  here,  upon  the 
threshold,  that,  as  I  understand  and  comprehend  my 
duties  and  prerogatives,  they  leave  me  no  alternative, 
without  dishonor,  but  to  assume  a  general  control  over 


166  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

the  whole  City  Government,  so  far  as  protecting  its  mu 
nicipal  interests  may  demand  it.  I  shall  not  hesitate  to 
exercise  even  doubtful  powers,  when  the  honor  or  the 
interests  of  the  public  is  abused. 

The  public  good  will  be  sufficient  warrant  to  insure 
my  action.  Under  this  law  I  shall  proceed,  not  doubt 
ing  your  concurrence  and  the  support  of  the  people,  for 
whom  the  responsibility  is  assumed. 

[And  in  the  next  remarkably  clear  document  he  ex 
hibits  the  real  condition  of  that  Augean  stable  which 
he  has  been  expected  to  purify.] 

THE  several  annual  reports  from  the  executive  de 
partments  have  been  several  days  before  you,  and  no 
doubt  thoroughly  examined.  In  taking  a  survey  of 
the  affairs  of  the  city,  the  first  object  to  present,  is  the 
condition  of  the  finances.  A  statement  with  reference 
to  it  is  herewith  furnished. 

Permanent  city  debt,  redeemable  from  the  Sinking- 
Fund,  January  1st,  1855  : 

5  per  cent  Water  stock,  redeemable,  1858 $3,000, 000 

5        "  "  "        1860 2,500,000 

5        "  «  «         1870 3,000,000 

5        "  "  "         1875 255,600 

5        «  "  "         1880 2,147.000 

5  &  6  "  Croton  Water  Stock,  «         1890 1,000,000 

7        "  Water  Loan,  "         1857 990,488 

5        "  Public  Building  St'k,  "         1856 515,000 

5        "  Building  Loan  Stock, 

No.  3,  "         1870 75,000 

5        "Do.        "4,  "         1873 75,000 

5        "  Fire  Indemnity  St'k,  «         1868 402,768 

Amount  carried  forward $13,960,856 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL.      167 

'  Amount  brought  forward $13,960,856 

Corporation  stock  and  bonds  held  by  the  Commission 
ers  of  the  Sinking-Fund,  on  account  of  redemption 

of  the  city  debt $4,252,289 

Additional  assets  (bonds  and  mortgages)  held 

by  the  Commissioners  on  said  account. .      911,886 
Balance  in  bank,  Jan.  1, 1855 17,240 5,181,415 

Actual  amt.  of  permanent  debt,  Jan.  1, 1855,  say $8,779,441 

which  is  a  reduction,  as  compared  with  the  amount  of 

debt,  January  2,  1854,  of  $460,246. 
Funded  debt  redeemable  from  taxation,  and  payable 
(with  the  exception  of  Public  Education  Stock)  in 
annual  installments  of  850,000,  January  1,  1855. 
6  per  cent  Building  Loan  Stock,  No.  2,  redeemable  in 

1855  and  1856 $100,000 

5        "        Public  Building  Stock,  No.  3,  redeemable  in 

1857  and  1864 400,000 

5        "         Stock  for  Docks  and  Slips,  redeemable  in 

1867  and  1876 500,000 

5        "        Public  Education  Stock,  redeemable  in  1873       154,000 


Total  amount  of  funded  debt,  Jan.  1, 1855. . , $1,154,000 

which  is  an  increase,  as  compared  with  the  amoTint  of 
debt  January  2,  1854,  of  $204,000. 

The  revenues  of  the  Sinking-Fund,  for  the  payment 
of  interest  on  the  city  debt,  are  fully  adequate  for  the 
payment  of  interest  on  the  above  stocks.  The  balance 
to  this  account,  January  1, 1855,  being  $60,000,  invested 
temporarily  in  revenue  bonds  of  the  city  corporation, 
and  cash  in  bank  $317,106.11,  thus  rendering  it  unne 
cessary  to  raise  any  amount  for  "interest  on  city  debts" 
by  taxation. 

In  connection  with  this  statement  another  is  present- 


168  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

ed,  of  the  amounts  which  have  been  raised,  by  taxation, 
from  1844  to  1854,  inclusive: 

1844 $1,988,818  56 

1845 2,096,191  18 

1846 2,520,146  71 

1847 2,581,776  30 

1848 2,715,510  25 

1849 3,005,762  52 

1850 3,230,085  02 

1851 2,924,455  94 

1852 3,380,511  05 

1853 5,067,275  69 

1854 4,845,386  07 

And  to  be  raised  in 

1855 5,918,593  25 

By  this  it  will  appear  that  the  expenditures  have  gra 
dually  and  steadily  increased,  though  it  is  well  known 
that  the  character  of  our  G-overnment  has  deteriorated. 

The  people  of  this  city  can  not  realize  that  the  actual 
cost  of  conducting  their  municipal  affairs  amounts  to  the 
sum  annually  expended.  They  do  not  believe  that  all 
of  the  money  appropriated  is  devoted  to  public  wants. 
In  my  opinion  an  examination  of  the  subject,  and  close 
scrutiny  of  the  various  items  composing  the  accounts  of 
the  disbursing  officers,  will  show  that  it  is  the  undue, 
unnecessary,  extraordinary  outlays,  without  sufficient 
equivalent,  that  have  swollen  our  taxes  to  their  present 
enormous  amount. 

It  behoves  us,  as  guardians  of  the  public  interests,  to 
look  to  the  subject.  If  it  is  longer  permitted,  we  are 
particeps  criminis,  whether  the  money  is  spent  under  our 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.     169 

own  eyes  or  not.  Besides  greater  caution  in  appropria 
tions,  we  are  called  upon  to  exercise  more  vigilance 
over,  and  demand  severer  accountability  from,  those  who 
spend  the  money.  The  smallest  items  of  expenditures 
should  be  guarded  as  sacredly  as  if  amounting  to  hun 
dreds  of  thousands.  The  principle  which  will  permit  a 
disbursing  officer  to  divert  tine  value  of  one  dollar,  in  money 
or  property,  to  his  own  or  his  friend '5  purpose,  will,  in 
time,  render  him  a  defaulter  or  a  peculator. 

The  treasury  can  be  relieved  in  many  ways ;  several 
present  sources  of  expenditure  can  be  abolished  entirely, 
and  large  sums  be  brought  into  the  treasury,  which  now 
go  to  the  pockets  of  individuals. 

THE       STEEETS. 

The  street  openings  and  subsequent  heavy  outlays  for 
that  purpose  in  regulating,  grading,  paving,  sewering, 
repairing,  etc.,  are  one  of  the  heaviest  burdens  we  bear. 
It  is  no  answer  to  reply  that  much  of  it  is  returned  to 
the  treasury  by  assessments  upon  the  property  benefited; 
it  is  of  little  importance  to  the  party  who  pays,  whether 
the  money  is  procured  from  him,  under  pretext  of  add 
ing  to  the  value  of  his  real  estate,  or  whether  under  the 
plea  of  supporting  the  Government. 

"We  have  no  right  to  make  distinction  It  is  our  duty 
to  protect  the  private  property  of  the  people,  as  well  as 
their  public  treasury.  As  now  conducted,  the  public 
business  appertaining  to  streets,  is  under  the  direction  of 
six  of  the  departments,  besides  several  outside  commission 
ers,  inspectors,  surveyors,  appraisers,  and  other  temporary 
8 


170  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

selected  agents.  The  law  officer  superintends  the  selection 
of  Commissioners  of  Estimates  and  Assessments  to  open, 
examines  titles  to  property  affected,  and  counsels  the 
legal  proceedings,  necessary  in  opening,  widening,  and 
altering  streets. 

The  Street  Department  advertises  for  proposals  to 
open,  makes  contracts  therefor,  and  through  its  bureaux 
makes  and  collects  assessments ;  it  also  has  charge  of  the 
opening,  regulating  and  paying.  The  Croton  Aqueduct 
Department  attends  to  the  sewerage,  and  laying  Croton 
water  pipes. 

The  Eepairs  and  Supplies  has  control  of  repairing, 
re-laying  pavements,  curb  and'gutter,  etc. 

The  Streets  and  Lamps  places  lamp-posts,  and  super 
intends  the  lighting  and  cleaning. 

The  City  Inspector's  Department  attends  to  the  remov 
ing  of  nuisances,  carrying  off  dead  horses,  and  other 
animals,  and  has  general  charge  of  every  thing  relating  to 
the  streets,  which  affect  their  sanitary  condition.  Each 
has  numerous  subordinates  with  light  duties,  but  large 
compensation.  Commissioners  are  appointed  for  each 
job,  even  to  "declare"  a  street  opened,  but  for  one  block, 
and  though  it  may  remain  closed  for  a  quarter  of  a  cen 
tury  afterwards.  Many  of  these  persons,  really  and  in 
fact,  in  person  perform  no  actual  duties,  and  are  com 
pensated  in  proportion  to  the  delays  produced,  and 
money  expended.  These  places  are  often  given  as  the 
reward  for  other  than  official  service,  which  is  not  of 
much  value  to  the  city ;  some  of  this  class  may  be  called 
"  professional  street-openers,"  whose  time  is  devoted  to 
the  procuration  of  jobs  of  this  kind,  and  by  getting  reso- 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.     171 

lutions  through  the  Common  Council  to  "  open"  when 
there  is  no  necessity  for  it ;  they  are  strong  in  partisan 
influence. 

The  law  which  gives  to  a  majority  of  the  property 
holders  to  be  affected  by  an  improvement  when  unne 
cessary,  the  power  to  prevent,  is  inoperative  before  them ; 
several  instances  have  been  recently  brought  to  my  at 
tention,  in  which  their  influence  over  the  Common 
Council  has  suppressed  the  voice  of  two  thirds  of  the 
parties  in  interest  who  had  remonstrated  against  their 
further  proceedings.  If  pressed,  they  obtain  delay  in 
the  Common  Council,  until  all  they  can  make  out  of  the 
job  is  procured,  when  they  magnanimously  withdraw 
their  opposition,  and  the  city  must  foot  the  bill,  and  their 
"  estimate  and  assessments  "  amount  to  nothing.  Some 
of  these  persons  have  several  streets  on  hand  at  the 
same  time,  and  make  large  sums  of  money.  It  is  but 
proper  to  add,  that  sometimes  there  are  commissioners 
who  are  not  comprehended  within  this  description  of 
them  as  a  class. 

Another  class  more  useless,  though  not  so  expensive, 
is  the  inspectors  appointed  to  superintend  the  grading, 
regulating  and  cleaning  of  streets,  building  of  sewers, 
docks,  piers,  etc.  Some  of  these  people  seldom  see  the 
work  for  which  they  are  appointed  inspector,  and  if 
they  do,  they  know  nothing  of  it,  or  do  not  wish  to 
know,  provided  the  contractor  is  a  clever  felloio,  and  does 
"  what  is  right." 

These  departments  frequently  come  in  conflict  with 
each  other ;  it -sometimes  happens  that  they  are  nearly 
all  engaged  at  the  same  time,  upon  some  part  of  the 


172  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

same  street.  It  often  occurs,  that  soon  after  the  paving  is 
compkted,  it  is  taken  up  to  lay  down  a  sewer,  Croton 
water  or  gas  pipes.  Each  department  being  independ 
ent  and  sometimes  inimical  to  the  other,  no  concert  exists, 
but  every  one,  upon  its  own  notions,  proceeds  to  do  what 
it  deems  best,  without  thinking  or  earing  of  expense  or 
public  convenience. 

It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say,  that  sometimes  twenty 
officials,  belonging  to  different  departments,  are  engaged 
in  doing,  at  the  same  time,  that  which  could  be  accom 
plished  by  one  man,  if  acting  for  himself,  in  one  twentieth 
the  tim",  and  at  one  twentieth  the  cost. 

Each  department  is  its  own  master,  and  acts  upon  its 
own  volition,  without  consent  or  consultation,  and  not 
unfrequently  strives  to  thwart  the  plans  of  each  other, 
and  produce  confusion.  Every  person  having  the  con 
trol  of  private  business  or  interest,  can  see,  without  fur 
ther  comment,  the  reason  why  so  large  a  sum  is  expended 
upon  our  streets. 

The  business  care,  concentration,  uniformity  and  regu 
larity  so  essential  to  the  success  of  any  enterprise  is  en 
tirely  wanting. 

A  general  cutting  up  and  distribution  of  authority, 
creating  irresponsibility  and  negligence  is  productive  of 
profligacy  in  expenditure  and  inefficiency  in  the  per 
formance  of  work.  This  abuse  must  be  reformed.  It 
has  become  too  serious  to  be  permitted  longer. 

The  little  time  which  has  been  left  me  for  investiga 
tion,  consistent  with  other  duties,  has  satisfied  me  that 
the  whole  business  should  be  entirely  under  the  control 
of  one  department,  and  at  least  one  of  the  existing  de- 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL.     173 

partments  could  be  abolished  entirely.  There  should 
be  a  Street  Department  having  sole  jurisdiction  over  the 
whole  subject ;  some  part  of  the  duty  could  be  advan 
tageously  given  to  other  departments,  without  detriment 
or  additional  expense. 

There  should  be  a  permanent  Board  of  Commissioners, 
instead  of  three  for  each  job  as  now,  which  should  have 
the  power  to  appoint  permanent  surveyors  for  the  whole 
city,  instead  of  one  for  each  work  as  now.  It  should  be 
made  the  duty  of  the  law  officer  of  the  Corporation  to 
give  his  services  without  any  additional  compensation, 
directly  or  indirectly,  and  if  receiving  fees,  the  amount 
should  be  paid  into  the  treasury. 

There  should  be  one  or  two  permanent  inspectors  for 
the  whole  city,  provided  any  is  required,  which  I  doubt, 
instead  of  one  for  each  job  as  now.  The  duties  now 
performed  by  the  Bureau  of  Assessments  should  be 
done  by  the  present  Board  of  Tax  Commissioners,  with 
out  additional  compensation,  who  have  not  only  sufficient 
leisure,  but  the  surveys,  maps,  and  the  assessed  values 
of  every  improved  and  unimproved  lot  in  the  city  within 
their  own  office,  by  which  to  facilitate  the  duty.  The 
collection  of  assessments  should  be  made  by  the  Keceiver 
of  Taxes. 

That  branch  of  the  service  coming  under  the  head  of 
repairs  should  be  severely  scrutinized,  and  every  dollar 
accounted  for  under  the  most  stringent  rules  of  account 
ability  ;  and  nothing  should  be  expended  except  upon 
previous  appropriation,  with  specific  reference  to  the 
object  for  which  the  money  was  intended.  The  incon 
venience  and  delays  which  would  attend  previous  appro- 


174  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

priations  upon  detailed  estimates  for  even  small  sums 
could  be  of  little  consideration  as  compared  with  the 
principle  of  unauthorized  expenditures,  with  the  official 
profligacy  which  too  often  follows  in  its  train. 

TAXABLE  PROPERTY. 

Another  matter  of  much  importance  is  the  feasibility 
of  enlarging  the  basis  upon  which  to  levy  tax.  The 
Board  of  Tax  Commissioners,  organized  a  few  years 
since,  has  added  much  to  the  taxable  basis  of  real  and 
personal  estate.  There  is  yet  room  for  increase. 

Notwithstanding  the  vigilance  of  these  officers  and 
the  assessors,  a  very  large  amount  of  personal  property 
escapes,  and  an  undue  proportion  is  consequently  put 
upon  real  estate.  A  distinction  is  thus  created  entirely 
unjust  to  real  property,  calculated  not  only  to  affect  its 
value,  but  to  retard  the  growth  of  the  city.  There  is 
no  solid  reason  why  distinction  should  be  made  in  the 
kind  of  value,  whether  real  or  personal,  upon  which  we 
levy  tax.  So  long  as  the  principle  of  taxation  is  upon 
property,  all  property  should  bear  alike. 

Besides  the  large  amount  of  personal  estate  that  es 
capes  in  consequence  of  the  inability  to  discover  it,  there 
are  immense  amounts  belonging  to  foreign  manufacturers 
and  traders,  in  the  hands  of  agents  resident  here,  who 
refuse  to  recognize  our  authority  to  collect.  A  very 
large  sum  thus  gets  clear. 

This  foreign  property  receives  all  the  protection  which 
the  city  government  affords,  in  common  with  that  of  our 
own  people,  which  pays  the  expense. 

These  foreign  owners  not  only  enjoy  equal  privileges 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL.      175 

with  native  citizens,  but  in  not  paying  taxes  upon  their 
property,  possess  an  exemption  which  enables  them  to 
compete  with  American  labor,  and  affording  them  undue 
advantages. 

People  who  pay  taxes  can  not  sell  merchandise  as  low 
as  those  who  pay  none.  Means  should  be  taken  during 
the  present  session  of  the  Legislature  to  procure  the 
passage  of  a  law,  making  the  property  of  foreign  man 
ufacturers  and  others  liable  to  taxation. 

ABOLITION  OF  FEES. 

As  a  further  means  of  revenue,  I  recommend  an  ap 
plication  to  the  Legislature  for  a  law  which  will  bring 
into  the  treasury  the  large  sums  now  received  by  the 
Kegister,  County  Clerk,  Counsel  to  the  Corporation, 
Corporation  Attorney,  and  other  county  officers,  who 
receive  fees  as  their  own  perquisites. 

In  some  instances  these  sums  are  said  to  amount  to 
from  twenty  to  thirty  thousand  dollars  per  annum  to  one 
person.  Whilst  it  is  right  that  every  public  officer 
should  be  sufficiently  compensated,  yet  there  can  be  no 
good  reason  for  permitting  a  few  to  amass  large  fortunes, 
whilst  other  officials,  who  perform  more  labor  and  more 
responsible  duties,  are  paid  one  fifth  the  sum,  and  the 
whole  community  is  burdened  with  taxes.  Give  liberal 
salaries,  but  let  all  fees  go  to  the  treasury. 

INTEREST  TO   BE   CHAEGED. 

A  further  relief  may  be  found  in  requiring  interest  on 
deposits  with  the  City  Treasurer,  and  collecting  and  dis- 


176  BIOGRAPHY  OF   FERNANDO  WOOD. 

bursing  officers  generally.  The  equity,  practicability, 
and  importance  of  this  measure  is  so  apparent,  that  it 
surprises  me  it  has  not  sooner  been  adopted.  A  very 
large  revenue  could  be  thus  derived.  There  was  to  the 
credit  of  the  city  in  the  hands  of  the  Treasurer  on  the 
28th  of  November,  1854,  over  one  million  of  dollars ; 
the  1st  December,  1854,  over  one  and  a  half  millions ; 
from  which  was  drawn  on  these  dates  about  a  half-mil 
lion,  leaving  about  two  millions  to  the  credit  of  the  city. 
Additional  large  sums  have  since  been  drawn,  leaving, 
however,  on  the  first  of  January,  inst.,  a  balance  remain 
ing  to  the  credit  of  the  city  of  one  million  two  hundred 
and  eighty-three  thousand  four  hundred  and  seventy-four 
dollars,  for  which  the  city  receives  no  allowance  of  in 
terest  whatever. 

It  is  proper  to  add  that  it  frequently  occurs  that  the 
City  Chamberlain  is  in  advance  to  the  city,  and  that 
during  the  last  year  he  advanced  fifty  to  sixty  thousand 
dollars  on  claims  on  the  treasury,  for  which  warrants 
could  not  be  given,  thus  offering  facilities  to  individ 
uals  having  claims,  who  otherwise  would  be  obliged  to 
wait  the  slow  process  of  legislation,  to  be  paid  their  just 
dues.  Notwithstanding,  however,  this  accommodating 
disposition  upon  the  part  of  this  officer,  I  can  see  no 
reason  for  conducting  the  financial  affairs  of  the  city 
upon  any  other  principle  than  that  which  governs  the 
commercial  intercourse  of  individuals. 

I  am  satisfied  that  the  nearer  we  approximate  the  laws 
of  trade,  the  better  will  public  business  be  conducted, 
and  the  interests  of  the  treasury  protected. 

The  city  is  obliged  to  pay  interest  when  using  the 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL.      177 

funds  of  individuals,  and  it  should  receive  interest  from 
individuals  who  have  the  use  of  its  money. 

Last  year  the  Comptroller  borrowed  upon  revenue 
bonds,  three  millions  six  hundred  and  ninety -three  thou 
sand  dollars,  nearly  the  whole  of  which  was  borrowed  at 
the  rate  of  seven  per  centum,  and  for  which  we  are  still 
paying  interest,  notwithstanding  the  large  amount  now 
lying  to  the  credit  of  the  city  in  bank.  How  long  could 
an  individual  or  a  banking  institution  retain  its  credit 
or  its  capital,  that  conducted  its  affairs  upon  so  ruinous 
a  principle  ?  The  State  of  New- York  discovered  the 
value  of  its  own  revenues  when  lying  in  bank- vaults, 
as  early  as  1826.  It  then  adopted  the  policy  of  requir 
ing  interest  upon  its  canal  f  unds,  which  has  been  followed 
since  without  deviation.  My  last  advices  from  the  Cap 
itol  state,  that  two  millions  and  a  half  of  dollars  have 
been  already  received  from  that  source,  for  interest 
exclusively  on  the  deposits  of  this  fund  with  the  banks. 
And  it  is  well  known  that  some  of  the  heads  of  the  city 
collecting  and  disbursing  bureaux,  have  been  in  the  prac 
tice  of  receiving  interest  from  various  city  banks,  on  the 
public  money  in  their  hands,  which  has  gone  into  their 
own  pockets  as  private  perquisites. 

In  recommending  a  revenue  from  this  source,  I  beg 
to  be  understood  that  no  step  should  be  taken  in 
effecting  it,  which  would  in  the  least  jeopard  the 
security  of  the  money.  Security  is  the  first  conside 
ration. 

A  prudent  business  man  never  hazards  his  principal 
in  efforts  to  accumulate  interest ;  but  if  safety  and  profit 
can  be  combined — and  in  my  judgment  it  can  be — we 


178  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

should  be  largely  the  gainers,  and  to  that  extent  taxa 
tion  lessened. 

ESTIMATES  AND  APPROPRIATIONS. 

Another  object  of  importance,  by  which  large  sums 
now  extracted  from  the  treasury  could  be  saved,  is  the 
necessity  of  adopting  some  mode,  by  which  all  disburs 
ing  officers  should  be  prevented  from  the  expenditure 
of  money,  or  creation  of  obligations  to  pay,  for  which 
the  city  is  liable,  without  previous  appropriation,  and  a 
balance  unexpended  to  meet  it. 

Many  abuses  have  grown  up  under  the  present  loose 
manner  of  expending  money. 

It  is  useless  to  ask  the  departments  for  estimates  upon 
which  to  base  the  appropriation,  if  they  are  disregarded 
afterward.  So  long  as  the  Common  Council  pass  resolu 
tions  incurring  expense,  and  the  departments  execute  themf 
frequently  by  using  funds  appropriated  for  other  purposes, 
so  long  will  our  taxes  continue  to  increase,  and  the  enor 
mous  annual  deficiencies,  now  so  common,  continue  to  startle 
us  at  the  end  of  the  year. 

Means  should  be  taken  to  stop  this  altogether ;  the 
head  of  a  department  should  not  be  allowed  to  exceed 
his  own  estimates,  or  the  appropriation  made ;  he  and 
his  bonds  should  be  made  responsible  to  the  city  for 
any  liability  thus  incurred. 

Disbursing  officers  must  be  confined  within  the  spirit 
as  well  as  the  letter  of  the  charter,  which  provides  that 
no  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  city  treasury  except 
the  same  shall  have  been  previously  appropriated  to  the 
purpose  for  which  it  is  drawn. 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.      179 

An  honest  version  of  this  provision  makes  it  as  appli 
cable  to  the  creation  of  an  obligation  to  be  liquidated  out 
of  subsequent  appropriation,  as  it  is  to  that  directly 
referred  to. 

SUSPENDED  SALES  FOR  TAXES  AND  ASSESSMENTS. 

You  should  also  take  measures  to  collect  about  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  from  the  suspended 
sales  for  taxes  and  assessments,  which  can  be  obtained 
upon  the  necessary  legislative  action,  empowering  the 
Comptroller  to  proceed.  The  sum  is  sufficiently  large 
to  demand  your  immediate  attention. 

CONTRACTS. 

The  present  mode  of  making  contracts  is  defective. 
Notwithstanding  the  improvement  of  late  years,  in  exact 
ing  more  publicity  in  opening  bids,  and  in  guarding 
against  favoritism  in  granting  contracts,  yet  it  is  sup 
posed  much  wrong  still  exists.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
frauds  are  still  perpetrated  in  this  branch  of  the  public 
service.  Bids  are  frequently  put  in  in  the  name  of  ficti 
tious  persons,  ranging  from  a  high  to  a  low  estimate — 
speculators  standing  ready  to  take  advantage  of  any 
embarrassment  to  the  department,  owing  to  the  non- 
appearance  of  the  false  bidder,  and  to  get  the  contract  at 
the  highest  possible  limits.  Again,  it  is  the  practice  to 
put  in  estimates,  not  with  the  expectation  of  making  and 
performing  a  contract,  but  to  be  bought  off  by  some 
more  responsible  party,  who  has  been  under-bid.  Vari 
ous  other  ways,  the  details  of  which  are  known  only  to 


180  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO   WOOD. 

the  initiated,  are  in  vogue,  by  which  to  defraud  the 
treasury.  If  the  head  of  a  department  acts  in  collusion 
with  these  outsiders,  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  prevent 
frauds  under  the  present  system. 

One  of  the  best  safeguards  may  be  found  in  more 
general  publicity  in  offering  to  receive  proposals.  The 
expense  of  advertising  is  of  no  importance,  as  compared 
with  the  benefit  to  be  derived  from  it. 

The  object  of  offering  public  proposals  to  make  con 
tracts,  is  to  invite  competition,  and  prevent  the  high 
prices  which  monopoly  produces ;  it  is  defeated  if  the 
advertisements  are  published  in  obscure  papers,  unknown 
to  and  unread  by  the  mass  of  the  people. 

Too  much  publicity  can  not  be  given  to  the  offering 
of  contracts  ;  the  expense  of  general  advertising  will  be 
more  than  made  up  by  the  increased  bidding,  and  con 
sequent  reduced  prices. 

CITY  RAILROADS  AND   OMNIBUSES. 

I  also  recommend  the  taxation  of  city  railroad  cars. 
It  appears  to  me  that  these  companies  should  pay  at 
least  one  hundred  dollars  license  upon  each  car,  besides 
keeping  the  streets  and  avenues  through  which  their 
tracks  are  laid  in  complete  repair,  and  always  clean. 

The  City  Government  receives  no  equivalent  for  the 
privileges  these  roads  possess,  which  are  now  very  valu 
able.  So  far  as  rail-travel  in  this  city  can  affect  them, 
the  present  roads  may  be  said  to  have  a  monopoly.  A 
recent  State  law  secures  their  grants,  and  in  effect  pre 
cludes  opposition  or  annoyance;  they  occupy,  to  the 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL.      181 

exclusion  of  all  other  citizens,  the  centre  of  our  best 
business  avenues. 

Exclusive  privileges  are  always  to  be  deprecated,  but 
when  granted,  the  city  should  in  return  receive  an  ample 
pecuniary  equivalent.  A  revenue  of  forty  thousand 
dollars  could  be  procured  from  this  source,  besides  the 
saving  of  the  very  heavy  cost  of  repairing  and  cleaning 
the  thoroughfares. 

O 

The  omnibuses  should  also  keep  in  repair  and  clean 
the  streets  through  which  they  pass,  or  pay  into  the 
treasury  a  sufficient  sum  for  that  purpose. 

These  vehicles  do  more  injury  to  the  pavements  than 
all  the  rest  of  the  travel  together,  and  the  city  in  return 
receives  no  pecuniary  aid  from  them  for  that  purpose 
whatever.  The  existing  lines  of  omnibuses  are  well 
secured  in  their  privilege,  having,  by  thejaw  of  1854, 
made  it  so  difficult  to  procure  licenses  for  competing 
lines,  that  they  now  enjoy  almost  a  monopoly.  How 
far  the  out-town  railroad  lines,  entering  the  city,  are 
subject  to  municipal  regulations,  I  am  not  at  this  time 
enabled  to  advise ;  my  opinion,  however,  is,  that  there 
is  nothing  in  their  charters  entitling  them  to  exception 
from  any  tax  which  you  may  deem  a  fair  equivalent 
for  the  right  of  way  they  now  possess. 

If,  upon  consultation  with  the  Counsel  of  the  Corpora 
tion,  there  be  no  legal  obstacle,  I  make  the  same  recom 
mendation  as  to  a  car-tax,  and  the  cleaning  and  repairs 
of  the  avenues  and  streets  through  which  they  pass,  as 
made  with  reference  to  the  city  railroads. 


182  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 


EMIGRANTS. 

It  is  well  known  that  for  many  years  extortions  and 
oppressions  of  the  most  inhuman  character  have  been 
practised  upon  the  emigrants  coming  to  this  port. 

There  appears  to  be  a  series  of  organized  classes  of 
persons,  all  connected,  and  acting  from  a  common  im 
pulse  of  plunder,  who  take,  and  keep  possession  of  their 
victims  as  long  as  a  sixpence  is  left  to  rob  them  of. 
These  vampires  form  a  cordon,  stretching  from  Sandy 
Hook  to  the  lakes — and  to  the  far  West. 

They  act  in  concert,  with  a  well-formed  understand 
ing,  and  spend  large  sums  to  protect  themselves  from 
detection  and  punishment.  Common  humanity,  as  well 
as  the  honor  and  prosperity  of  this  City  and  State,  call 
for  more  stringent  laws  and  regulations  governing  our 
whole  emigrant  system.  I  regret  that  this  already  too 
lengthy  communication  prevents  more  extended  com 
ments  upon  this  branch  of  the  subject,  consistent  with 
others  demanding  attention. 

Much  inconvenience  to  the  shipping  interest  is  caused 
by  the  present  mode  of  landing  emigrant  passengers. 

As  now  conducted  it  is  a  serious  evil,  not  only  to  the 
passengers,  but  also  to  the  vessels  from  which  they  land, 
and  to  other  vessels,  with  which  they  materially  inter 
fere.  This  is  also  an  evil  calling  for  some  action  at  your 
hands  ;  as  now  conducted  it  is  productive  of  great  hard 
ship  to  the  emigrant  and  injury  to  others. 

Now  a  ship  arrives  from  sea  with  her  decks  crowded 
with  hundreds  of  men,  women  and  children,  and  hauls 
outside  and  alongside  another  vessel  at  her  berth,  dis- 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.      183 

charging  or  taking  in  cargo,  which  may  be  composed  of 
fine  goods  in  valuable  packages. 

As  soon  as  the  emigrant  ship  nears  the  wharf,  she  is 
boarded  by  an  army  of  runners,  cartmen  and  others, 
having  business  with,  and  too  often  design  upon,  her 
passengers,  and  the  passengers  are  dragged  over  the 
vessel  discharging,  to  the  shore  ;  her  cargo,  which  may 
be  on  deck,  or  upon  the  dock,  is  not  only  materially 
injured,  the  packages  soiled,  broken  or  stolen,  but  an 
embargo  is  laid  upon  all  work  for  the  time  being.  Thus 
a  serious  injury  is  inflicted.  This  evil  has  grown  to  be 
intolerable.  The  remedy  is  very  simple.  One  or  two 
piers  should  be  set  aside,  away  from  the  pressure  of 
shipping,  and  exclusively  devoted  to  the  landing  of  em 
igrant  passengers.  They  should  be  inclosed,  and  only 
persons  properly  clothed  with  authority,  and  of  good 
character,  be  permitted  within  the  inclosure.  The  po 
lice  could  be  Rationed  there  to  protect  and  direct  the 
emigrants,  and,  as  the  boarding-houses  and  forwarding 
officers  would,  of  course,  locate  in  the  vicinity,  the  emi 
grants  would  be  benefited,  as  well  as  the  present  injury 
to  other  shipping  entirely  removed.  These  suggestions 
are  worth  attention,  and,  I  hope,  will  be  acted  upon. 

It  has  long  been  the  practice  of  many  Governments 
on  the  continent  of  Europe,  to  get  rid  of  convicts  and 
paupers  by  sending  them  to  this  country,  and  most  gene 
rally  to  this  port.  The  increase  of  crime  here  can  be 
traced  to  this  cause,  rather  than  to  a  defect  in  the  crimi 
nal  laws  or  their  administration.  An  examination  of 
the  criminal  and  pauper  records  shows  conclusively, 
that  it  is  but  -a  small  proportion  of  these  unfortunates 


184  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

who  are  natives  of  this  country.  One  of  the  very  hea 
viest  burdens  we  bear  is  the  support  of  these  people, 
even  when  considering  the  direct  cost ;  but  when  esti 
mating  the  evil  influences  upon  society,  and  the  contami 
nating  effect  upon  all  who  come  within  the  range  of 
their  depraved  minds,  it  becomes  a  matter  exceedingly 
serious,  and  demanding  immediate  and  complete  eradi 
cation.  I  know  no  subject  of  more  importance;  cer 
tainly  we  have  the  power  to  protect  this  city  against  the 
landing  of  so  vile  an  addition  to  our  population ;  the 
health,  as  well  as  the  life  and  property  of  the  people  for 
whom  you  legislate,  requires  some  action  at  your  hands. 
I  am  confident  the  General  Government  will  listen  to  any 
representations  from  you,  relating  to  it,  and  interpose 
its  national  authority  in  our  behalf.  On  the  2d  instant, 
I  made  this  grievance  the  subject  of  an  official  commu 
nication  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  a  copy  of 
which  is  annexed,  marked  A. 

The  constantly  increasing  expenses  of  the  Alms-house 
Department,  and  the  want  of  control  of  the  Corporation 
over  them,  should  not  escape  your  notice.  I  am  satis 
fied  that,  whatever  may  be  thought  as  to  the  exercise  of 
proper  economy  upon  the  part  of  the  Governors  of  the 
Alms-house,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  one  cause  for 
the  present  large  outlay  required,  is  the  maintenance  of 
persons  who  should  be  a  charge  upon  the  fund  under 
the  exclusive  control  of  the  Emigrant  Commissioners. 
It  is  evident  that  the  object  in  creating  this  Board  was 
to  have  full  control  over  the  whole  subject,  and  to  bear 
the  entire  costs  of  the  support  of  these  unfortunate  peo 
ple,  at  least  until  they  have  been  five  years  in  this 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL.      185 

country.  In  practice,  this  appears  not  to  be  its  opera 
tion.  At  least  a  portion  of  the  inmates  of  the  institu 
tions  under  the  control  of  the  Alms-house  Governors, 
who  are  supported  by  the  city,  are  properly  chargeable 
to  the  Emigrant  Commission.  In  my  opinion,  the  whole 
subject  requires  revision.  An  entire  alteration  of  the 
present  system  is  absolutely  demanded.  As  it  is  now, 
the  tax-payers  of  this  city  have  not  only  to  support  the 
poor  of  the  city,  and  a  portion  of -that  belonging  to  the 
surrounding  country,  which  find  their  way  here,  but 
also  a  very  large  portion  of  the  paupers  of  every  nation 
in  Europe. 

The  absolute  cost  of  supporting  our  own  poor  would 
be  a  trifle  too  small  to  be  worthy  of  comment ;  but  when 
required  to  perform  the  duty  for  so  many  other  commu 
nities,  its  burden  has  become  of  too  great  a  magnitude 
to  be  submitted  to  longer.  The  Board  of  Emigrant 
.Commissioners  was  created  in  1847,  to  protect  and  pro 
vide  for  the  emigrants  arriving  at  this  port ;  a  fund  is 
provided  for  this  purpose.  It  is  a  State  institution, 
mostly  under  the  control  of  officers  appointed  by  the 
Governor  and  Senate,  and,  in  all  respects,  independent 
of  our  municipal  action.  Its  existence  is  a  recognition 
of  the  position  that  the  persons  called  emigrants  should 
in  no  respect  be  a  tax  upon  this  county.  As  now  con 
ducted,  it  is  a  grievous  tax.  "We  support  the  emigrant 
criminal  sentenced  to  Blackwell's  Island,  and  other  city 
penal  institutions.  A  large  number  of  policemen  are 
detailed  especially  for  their  protection,  for  which  our 
treasury  pays.  The  Mayor's  office  and  no  inconsidera 
ble  portion  of  his  time  are  occupied  in  hearing  and  de- 


186  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

termining  cases  involving  the  rights  and  property  of 
emigrants,  to  say  nothing  of  that  branch  of  his  duties 
relating  to  the  proper  licensing  and  regulating  of  emi 
grant  boarding-houses  and  runners.  In  my  opinion  the 
city  should  be  relieved  altogether  from  these  duties  and 
expenses.  So  far  as  the  State  assumes  to  take  charge 
of  these  people,  she  should  carry  out  the  work  entire ; 
we  should  be  relieved  from  it. 

[Then  follow  some  instructions  on  the  Police,  which 
will  more  fitly  be  considered  in  the  chapter  which  shall 
treat  of  that  department.] 

SPRING  CHARTER  ELECTIONS. 

I  can  not  omit  expressing  my  conviction  that  much 
benefit  could  be  derived  to  the  city,  by  separating  the 
election  for  charter  officers  from  that  for  State  or  na 
tional  officers. 

As  now  conducted,  our  local  interests  are  almost  en 
tirely  lost  sight  of  in  the  conflict  on  State  or  national 
issues.  As  the  lesser  is  always  absorbed  by  the  greater, 
so  is  the  apparently  smaller  affairs  of  our  City  Govern 
ment  lost  sight  of  in  the  contest  on  candidates  for  higher 
offices. 

The  magnitude  of  our  municipal  interests  calls  for  the 
closest  scrutiny  into  the  qualifications  of  persons  to  take 
charge  of  them ;  no  other  considerations  than  those  con 
nected  directly  with  local  questions  should  be  included 
in  the  canvass  for  city  rulers.  The  evils  of  frequent 
elections  are  of  little  importance  as  compared  with  the 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE   COMMON   COUNCIL.     187 

danger  of  the  selection  of  improper  men.  In  the  strug 
gle  for  a  Governor  or  a  President,  persons  entirely  dis 
qualified  will  sometimes  slide  unobserved  into  a  local 
place  of  trust  and  power. 

The  election  law,  which  places  the  candidates  for 
county  offices  on  the  same  ballot  with  candidates  for 
State  officers,  increases  the  evil.  At  the  late  election 
there  were  twelve  names  on  the  same  ballot.  In  the 
haste  and  excitement  of  election  day,  it  is  very  difficult 
for  even  the  most  intelligent  voter  to  select  the  names 
for  whom  he  desires  to  vote  when  found  upon  the  same 
ticket ;  but  where  the  duty  is  imposed  upon  the  illiterate 
or  ignorant,  it  is  seldom  exercised,  especially  if  there  be 
a  cunningly  devised  ballot,  not  permitting  erasure  or 
substitution. 

CENTRAL   PARK. 

The  commissioners  appointed  to  open  the  Central 
Park  are  progressing  with  the  work.  Since  the  organ 
ization  of  the  Board,  it  has  collected  and  examined  evi 
dence  of  title  to  the  lands  to  be  taken  for  the  park ;  in 
causing  the  necessary  surveys,  maps  of  blocks  and  pro 
files  of  grades  to  be  made,  in  personal  view  of  the  lands 
to  be  taken,  and  in  procuring  such  information  in  regard 
thereto,  as  may  serve  to  guide  to  a  just  valuation  of  the 
same ;  also  in  determining  the  area  of  assessment  for 
special  benefit,  and  procuring  maps  of  the  same,  and  in 
procuring  evidence  of  the  value  of  the  improvements  on 
the  land  to  be  taken ;  and  are  now  engaged  in  the  valua 
tion  of  the  lands  themselves.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  this  park  is  to  be  bounded  south  by  Fifty-ninth 


188  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

street,  north  by  One  hundred  and  sixth  street,  east  by 
the  Fifth  avenue,  and  west  by  the  Eighth  avenue ;  and 
will  comprehend  an  area  of  seven  hundred  and  seventy- 
six  acres,  say. 776 

From  which,  deduct 

State  Arsenal, 14 

Croton  Reservoir, 38 

Proposed       "       112 

Streets  and  Avenues, 190 

Belonging  to  the  city, 34-388 

Leaving  to  be  paid  for — acres 388 

"Which,  by  estimating  at  sixteen  lots  per  acre,  makes 
six  thousand  two  hundred  and  eight  lots  to  be  paid  for 
by  the  city,  and  by  assessments  upon  contiguous  pro 
perty.  The  important  question  of  the  valuation  of  these 
lots  has  not  as  yet  been  positively  fixed  by  the  com 
missioners.  The  subject  is  now  before  them,  and  I  ad 
vise  all  who  are  interested  to  appear  at  their  office.  An 
other  question  of  much  public  interest,  in  connection 
with  this  matter,  is  the  territorial  limit  to  which  the  com 
missioners  shall  extend  their  assessments  upon  property 
of  individuals,  and  what  proportion  of  the  whole  cost 
shall  be  made  a  tax  upon  the  city. 

These  questions  are  entirely  under  the  control  of  the 
commissioners.  I  am  informed,  unofficially,  that  the 
disposition  of  the  Board  is  to  extend  the  area  of  assess 
ment  three  blocks  east  and  west,  and  a  greater  distance 
north  and  south ;  and  to  make  two  thirds  of  the  whole 
cost  payable  by  the  city.  If  this  be  the  determination, 
it  can  be  easily  ascertained  about  what  sum  the  park  will 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.      189 

cost.  Estimating  the  average  value  of  the  land  at  five 
hundred  dollars  per  lot — a  liberal  estimate — the  whole 
cost  would  be  three  millions  one  hundred  and  four  thou 
sand  dollars ;  deduct  one  third  to  be  paid  by  individuals 
whose  property  is  supposed  to  be  benefited,  it  will  leave 
two  millions  sixty-nine  thousand  dollars  to  be  paid  for 
by  the  city — a  smaller  sum  than  was  anticipated  at  the 
time  of  passing  the  act.  The  commissioners  expect  to 
close  their  duties  early  in  th'e  ensuing  summer.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  necessity  of  some  such  park 
conveniently  located  on  this  island.  In  my  opinion, 
future  generations,  who  are  to  pay  this  expense,  would 
have  good  reasons  for  reflecting  upon  the  present  gene 
ration,  if  we  permitted  the  entire  island  to  be  taken  pos 
session  of  by  the  population,  without  some  spot  like 
this,  devoted  to  rural  beauty,  healthful  recreation,  and 
pure  atmosphere. 

NEW  PUBLIC  BUILDINGS. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  we  are  still  without  some 
definite  action  in  this  matter.  It  is  a  year  since  the  old 
Alms-house  buildings,  which  for  several  years  were 
used  for  the  purposes  of  a  court-house,  were  destroyed  by 
fire,  and  no  conclusion  has  yet  been  arrived  at  with  ref 
erence  to  the  erection  of  a  substitute.  This  should  be 
one  of  the  first  measures  to  receive  attention. 

The  present  City  Hall  and  its  appendages  are  insuffi 
cient.  The  accumulation  of  public  business  of  all  kinds 
has  rendered  it  imperative  upon  this  city,  regardless  of 
expense,  to  make  provision  for  it  without  delay.  Many 


190  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

plans  for  a  new  City  Hall  have  been  proposed,  none  of 
which  have  been  examined  by  me,  and  of  which  I  am 
not  competent  to  judge,  had  they  been.  I  will  suggest, 
however,  that,  inasmuch  as  the  day  can  not  be  far  dis 
tant  when  that  portion  of  the  city  lying  south  of  Grand 
street  will  be  entirely  occupied  by  wholesale  business, 
to  the  exclusion  of  resident  population,  and  that,  as  a 
City  Hall,  to  contain  the  courts  and  offices  for  the  trans 
action  of  municipal  business  should  be  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  numerical  centre  of  population,  whether  it  is  politic 
to  expend  large  sums  of  money  in  permanent  improve 
ments  in  the  Park,  as  now  located.  We  have  no  guar 
antee  that  the  next  generation  may  not  demand  their 
removal  to  a  more  convenient  position.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  public  offices,  to  which  all  classes,  without 
distinction,  are  drawn,  should  be  equally  accessible  to 
the  whole  population. 

JSTor  can  I  recommend  the  adoption  of  a  proposition 
recently  made  in  the  Common  Council,  by  which  the 
Legislature  is  to  appoint  commissioners  to  superintend 
the  erection  of  a  new  City  Hall.  The  folly  of  transfer 
ring  further  legislation  for  this  city  to  Albany,  except 
to  get  a  charter  that  will  return  to  it  a  form  of  govern 
ment  commensurate  to  its  wants,  is  so  apparent,  that  I 
hope  it  will  not  be  indulged  in  again.  One  legislative 
act  after  another  has  been  adopted  at  Albany,  until  we 
are  almost  without  any  government  whatever.  There 
is  now  in  preparation  a  proposition  for  the  Legislature  to 
appoint  six  commissioners,  with  power  to  name  every 
officer  under  the  city  government,  which,  if  it  becomes 
a  law,  will  give  the  extinguishing  blow  to  what  little 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL.      191 

power  is  left  to  the  people  of  this  city  over  their  own 
municipal  affairs. 

PUBLIC  SCHOOL  EXPENSES. 

Complaints  are  made  of  the  largely  increasing  ex 
penses  for  public  school  education,  and  the  want  of 
power  of  the  City  Government  over  the  disbursements 
of  the  Board  of  Education. 

My  attention  has  been  called  to  this  subject,  and 
though  there  is  no  doubt  room  for  improvement  as  it 
regards  the  economy  evinced  in  the  erection  and  fitting 
up  of  school-houses,  yet  the  benefits  derived  from  the 
system  are  of  too  great  a  magnitude  to  be  jeoparded  by 
illiberality  in  defraying  its  cost. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  it  is  the  general  approval  of  our 
public  schools,  as  now  conducted,  that  induces  the  peo- , 
pie  to  submit  to  the  present  onerous  taxation.  The 
great  improvements  in  the  mode  of  culture  adopted,  and 
the  evident  advantage  of  the  public  schools  over  the 
private  schools  of  this  city,  have  made  them  the  general 
academies  of  tuition  for  the  children  of  nearly  the  whole 
population.  The  cost  to  us  in  taxation  is  not  one  fifth 
the  usual  expense  for  an  ordinary  pay-school  education. 
Indeed,  there  are  few  real  estate  owners,  with  families, 
who  cannot  get  their  whole  tax  returned  by  sending  their 
children  to  the  public  schools,  with  the  advantage  of  a 
better  and  more  thorough  education,  and  a  discipline 
and  moral  training  far  more  perfect  than  our  fashiona 
ble  "  academies  for  young  gentlemen"  can  pretend  to. 

Therefore,  while  discountenancing  extravagance  in 


192  BIOGRAPHY  OF   FERNANDO   WOOD. 

any  public  department,  yet  having  full  confidence  in 
the  gentlemen  who  have  charge  of  the  public  education 
of  this  city,  and  deeply  appreciating  the  system,  I  can 
not  recommend  any  step  towards  interfering  with  the 
management  of  it,  so  long  as  it  continues  to  improve  in 
efficiency  and  public  benefit,  and  holds,  as  it  does  now, 
the  position  of  our  brightest  ornament,  with  the  pros 
pect  of  being  the  fruitful  source  from  whence  we  are  to 
derive  yet  higher  honor  and  more  brilliant  results. 


REVISION   OF   THE   ORDINANCES. 

I  can  not  too  earnestly  impress  upon  you  the  necessity 
of  a  revision  and  a  collecting  of  the  ordinances  into  one 
or  more  volumes,  and  a  codification  of  the  laws  applica 
ble  to  this  city.  It  would  be  almost  incredible  to  a 
stranger  to  be  told  that  there  is  no  collection  of  the  laws 
by  which  this  city  is  governed. 

A  collection  of  ordinances  has  not  been  published 
since  1845,  and  of  that  but  few  copies  remain ;  since 
1845  material  amendments  have  been  made  to  the  char 
ter,  and  numerous  resolutions  and  ordinances  have  been 
adopted,  which  are  now  to  be  found  only  by  a  voyage 
of  discovery  in  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Board  of 
Aldermen,  with  the  chance  being  very  much  against 
success,  even  with  the  guide  of  the  accommodating 
officers  who  have  charge  of  that  office.  The  memory 
of  persons  who  have  for  many  years  been  connected 
with  the  Common  Council  is  the  only  index  in  exist 
ence. 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.     193 

The  mere  statement  of  the  fact  will,  I  am  confident, 
procure  action. 

THE  DOCKS. 

The  dock  accommodations  for  the  shipping  of  the 
city,  is  another  subject  which  should  receive  notice. 
You  need  not  be  informed  that  at  present  they  are  to 
tally  inadequate,  both  in  extent  and  quality.  There  is 
no  commercial  city  in  the  world,  of  the  magnitude  of 
New- York,  so  deficient ;  substantial  stone  or  iron  docks 
and  piers  should  be  constructed,  which  would  not  only 
be  durable,  but  in  the  result  far  more  economical  than 
those  now  in  use. 

A  funded  debt  could  be  created  for  the  payment  of 
the  cost,  leaving  to  posterity,  who  are  to  be  the  recipients 
of  the  advantages  derived  from  the  construction,  the 
liquidation  of  the  obligation.  The  present,  as  well  as 
the  future  accommodations  for  the  shipping,  which  con 
stitute  so  great  an  element  in  our  prosperity,  demand 
some  action  at  your  hands  on  this  subject. 


NON-PAYMENT  OF  CONTEACTOKS  AND  OTHERS. 

Much  distress  has  recently  been  caused  to  persons 
having  demands  against  the  city,  owing  to  the  non-pay 
ment  of  salaries,  and  for  supplies  furnished,  and  con 
tracts  performed.  Great  injury  has  resulted  to  many 
individuals  of  small  means,  from  this  cause.  At  #ny 
time,  disappointments  of  this  kind  bear  oppressively, 
but  at  a  period  of  great  monetary  stringency,  like  the 
9 


194  BIOGRAPHY   OF.  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

present,  it  is  a  hardship  exceedingly  onerous,  and  should 
•not  again  occur.  Besides  the  wrong  done  to  the  party 
having  a  just  claim,  in  omitting  to  meet  the  demand, 
the  injury  to  the  treasury  is  not  insignificant.  We 
need  not  be  told  that  a  poor  paymaster  has  to  pay 
higher  prices  than  he  who  meets  his  engagements 
promptly. 

It  is  not  unreasonable  to  expect  that  the  city  creditors 
will  provide  themselves  against  the  loss  arising  from  the 
difficulty  in  getting  their  dues,  by  charging  sufficiently 
to  cover  the  loss  arising  from  these  delays.  Without 
recommending  any  relaxation  in  adherence  to  the  laws 
and  ordinances  governing  the  disbursement  of  money,  I 
can  not  omit  to  express  the  hope  that  you  will  take 
immediate  means  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  so  great  an 
evil  to  the  creditors  of  the  city,  and  preserve  its  faith 
and  credit  from  dishonor. 


RELIEF  TO  BROADWAY. 

Another  relief  to  the  citizens  could  be  found  in  the 
adoption  of  some  mode  to  prevent  the  large  collection  of 
omnibuses  in  Broadway  below  the  Park.  In  my  opin 
ion  this  evil  should  not  be  longer  permitted. 

If  the  stages  now  permitted  to  go  to  the  South  ferry 
were  limited  to  one  half  the  present  number,  the  whole 
difficulty  would  be  remedied.  The  many  lines  entering 
Broadway  below  the  Park,  not  only  obstruct  the  pass 
age  of  each  other,  but  frequently  cut  off  entirely  the 
passage  of  smaller  vehicles.  Foot-passengers  are  ex 
cluded  almost  entirely  from  the  cross-walks. 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.     195 

This  evil  is  increasing,  though,  the  police,  at  an  ex 
pense  to  the  city,  is  kept  on  duty  to  prevent  disorder, 
and  to  aid  passengers  in  crossing. 

The  present  laws  deprive  the  Mayor  of  power  over 
the  omnibuses,  so  far  as  controlling  their  routes  or  their 
number,  but  I  recommend  that  an  ordinance  be  passed 
preventing  any  one  line  sending  more  than  one  stage  in 
ten  minutes,  below  the  Park,  in  Broadway.  The  little 
inconvenience  which  this  restriction  would  cause  to  per 
sons  having  business  below  the  Park  would  be  of  no 
consideration  compared  to  the  present  difficulties. 

I  also  recommend  that  the  Kuss  pavement  in  Broad 
way  be  grooved.  Though  this  beautiful  and  durable 
pavement  is  an  ornament  as  well  as  advantage  to  the 
city,  yet  its  smoothness  renders  it  dangerous  to  horses. 
Its  solidity  retains  moisture,  which,  when  freezing,  pre 
sents  a  surface  of  ice,  rendering  its  use  extremely  dan 
gerous. 

CATTLE-DRIVING. 

The  practice  of  driving  cattle  through  the  streets  of 
the  city  is  another  evil  calling  for  prompt  action.  It  is 
an  abuse  which  our  citizens  have  submitted  to  too  long. 
In  my  opinion,  this  Common  Council  will  deserve  the 
severest  censure,  if,  like  its  predecessors,  it  timidly  skulks 
from  its  duty  in  ridding  us  of  this  dangerous  nuisance. 
Not  only  is  the  health  of  the  whole  population  jeoparded 
by  the  unwholesome  odors  arising  from  the  collection  of 
these  animals,  but  it  not  unfrequently  occurs  that  life, 
limb  and  property  are  destroyed  by  it. 


196  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 


DIRTY  STREETS. 

In  April,  1854,  contracts  were  entered  into  for  the 
cleaning  of  streets  and  avenues  of  the  city.  The  speci 
fications  of  these  contracts  are  stringent,  and  there  would 
be '  no  cause  of  complaint  if  the  contractors  performed 
them.  They  provide  that  every  thoroughfare  shall  be 
thoroughly  and  properly  cleaned  and  swept,  and  all  the 
dirt,  manure,  ashes,  garbage,  rubbish,  and  sweepings,  of 
every  kind,  removed  twice  a  week  ;  and  in  Broadway 
and  the  leading  avenues,  three  times  a  week.  If  these  con 
ditions  ware  complied  with,  there  could  be  no  grounds 
of  complaint.  I  regret  to  say  they  have  not  been  com 
plied  with,  and  though  it  is  stated  that  in  consequence 
of  the  low  rates  at  which  the  contracts  are  taken,  com 
pliance  is  impossible,  without  heavy  loss ;  yet,  in  my 
opinion,  there  is  no  other  resource  than  to  demand  a 
rigid  fulfillment.  If  contracts  are  to  be  thrown  up,  or 
only  half  performed,  at  the  will  of  contractors,  besause 
not  profitable,  the  bargain  is  all  on  one  side.  Under 
this  ruling,  the  city  is  to  suffer  in  any  event.  So  far  as 
the  law  gives  me  power,  I  shall  require  a  strict  compli 
ance  with  the  existing  contracts  to  clean  the  streets ; 
and  that  I  may  know  which  of  the  contractors  are 
derelict,  the  police  have  been  ordered  to  make  the  con 
dition  of  the  streets,  in  their  several  beats,  the  subject  of 
observation,  and  to  report,  every  day,  the  result. 

[Since  1830,  the  charter  had  been  tinkered  and  re-tin 
kered,  patched,  clouted,  and  otherwise  quasi-mended, 
until  it  resulted  in  the  extraordinary  composition  now 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL.     197 

extant.  Bead,  0  my  friends !  this  extract  from  the 
proposed  amended  charter  referred  to  by  His  Honor  the 
Mayor — read  it,  and  let  your  heads  swim  : 

"SEC.  35,  Chapter  122,  of  Laws  of  1830,  and  an  act  to  amend  the 
charter  of  the  city  of  New- York,  passed  April  2,  1849,  and  an  act 
to  amend  an  act,  entitled  an  act  to  amend  the  charter  of  the  city  of 
New- York,  passed  April  2,  1849,  passed  July  11,  1851  ;  and  an  act 
farther  to  amend  the  charter  of  the  city  of  New- York,  passed  April 
12, 1853  ;  and  an  act  supplementary  to  an  act,  entitled  an  act  further 
to  amend  the  charter  of  the  city  of  New- York,  passed  April  12, 
1853,  passed  June  14,  1853,  are  hereby  repealed." 

Not  being  yet  repealed,  what  have  we  ?  Nine  inde 
pendent  chiefs  of  city  governments ;  five  bureaux  to 
take  care  of  the  streets — ("too  many  cooks,"  say  the 
vulgar,  "spoil  the  broth;")  executive  officers  with  in 
dependent  powers,  and  legislative  bodies  who  interfere 
with  the  executive  ;  doubtful  or  restricted  power  in  the 
hands  of  the  executive,  and  strong  inclination  to  take 
even  that  away  from  him. 

"What,  then,  is  to  be  done  ?  Homoeopathy  alone  can 
cure  this  :  the  principle,  similia  similibus  curantur,  must 
be  applied  here.  If  legislation  have  reduced  us  to  chaos, 
let  us  legislate  ourselves  back  again  out  of  that  chaos, 
into  some  sufferable  shape.  So  a  new  plan  of  charter  is 
formed ;  first  to  repeal  that  dreadful  sentence  quoted  as 
"Sec.  35,"  above,  and  then  to  make  New- York  govern 
ment  a  simple  legislative  and  executive  one,  the  Mayor 
being  the  head  of  this  latter  division.  Most  of  this  pro 
posed  amended  charter  met  Mr.  Wood's  views  ;  of  im 
portant  points,  he  zealously  opposed  one — that  which 
set  down  general  and  local  elections  for  the  same  day. 


198  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

He  speaks  of  this  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Blatchford,  which 
follows  here :] 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  February  13, 1855. 
HON.  R  M.  BLATCHFORD,  IN  ASSEMBLY,  ALBANY  : 

Dear  Sir :  In  relation  to  the  proposed  City  Charter,  I  can  express 
a  favorable  opinion  of  its  leading  features.  With  the  exception  of 
the  continuance  of  tJie  great  error  of  leaving  our  local  issues  to  be 
decided  at  the  general  election,  I  find  much  to  approve.  Its  leading 
features  correspond  with  my  ideas  of  a  good  form  of  government  as 
expressed  in  my  Inaugural  Address  to  the  Common  Council.  In  the 
main  it  is  very  like  that  adopted  by  the  framers  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  in  the  present  Constitution.  With  slight  modifications  it 
will  be  a  most  excellent  substitute  for  that  now  in  force.  It  is  an 
error,  however,  to  suppose  that  good  government  depends  upon  the 
organic  law.  It  does  not,  because,  without  honest,  fearful  and  capa 
ble  executive  officers  the  most  perfect  form  of  government  eveiv 
devised  by  human  intellect  will  prove  entirely  inadequate  to  the 
wants  of  the  people.  Therefore,  we  require  not  only  a  good  Charter, 
but  also  good  functionaries  to  execute  the  laws  under  it.  These 
must  be  chosen  with  exclusive  reference  to  their  fitness  and  capacity 
for  the  places  filled  by  them.  To  secure  officers  of  this  kind  no  other 
than  local  issues  should  be  permitted  to  enter  the  canvass,  which  can 
only  be  accomplished  by  an  entire  separation  of  the  elections  for 
national  and  State  officers  from  those  for  municipal  officers,  and  this 
is  the  objection  to  the  Charter  now  proposed.  It  leaves  us  as  we  are, 
with  our  own  local  interests  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the  exciting 
and  at  times  overwhelming  issues  of  national  and  State  politics. 
As  favorably  as  I  think  of  this  new  Charter,  it  will,  in  my  opinion, 
entirely  fail  in  removing  the  difficulties  under  which  we  suffer,  if  it 
does  not  also  provide  for  the  election  of  Charter  officers  at  some  other 
time  than  that  at  which  are  chosen  State  and  national  officers.  In 
the  Message  sent  by  me  to  the  Common  Council,  January  11,  1855, 
I  refer  to  this  subject  in  the  following  language  : 

"  I  can  not  omit  expressing  my  conviction  that  much  benefit  could 


COMMUNICATION  TO  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL.     199 

be  derived  to  the  city,  by  separating  the  election  for  charter  officers 
from  that  for  State  or  national  officers. 

"  As  now  conducted,  our  local  interests  are  almost  entirely  lost 
sight  of  in  the  conflict  on  State  or  national  issues.  As  the  lesser  is 
always  absorbed  by  the  greater,  so  are  the -apparently  smaller  affairs 
of  our  City  Government  lost  sight  of  in  the  contest  on  candidates  for 
higher  offices. 

•'The  magnitude  of  our  municipal  interests  calls  for  the  closest 
Gcrutiny  into  the  qualifications  of  persons  to  take  charge  of  them  ;  no 
other  considerations  than  those  connected  directly  with  local  ques 
tions  should  be  included  in  the  canvass  for  city  rulers.  The  evils  of 
frequent  elections  are  of  little  importance  as  compared  with  the  dan 
ger  of  the  selection  of  improper  men.  In  the  struggle  for  a  Governor 
or  a  President,  persons  entirely  disqualified  will  sometimes  slide  un 
observed  into  a  local  place  of  trust  and  power. 

"  The  election  law,  which  places  the  candidates  for  county  offices  on 
the  same  ballot  with  candidates  for  State  offices,  increases  the  evil. 
At  the  late  election  there  were  twelve  names  on  the  same  ballot ;  in 
the  haste  and  excitement  of  election  day,  it  is  very  difficult  for  even 
the  most  intelligent  voter  to  select  the  names  for  whom  he  desires  to 
vote  when  found  upon  the  same  ticket ;  but  where  the  duty  is  imposed 
upon  the  illiterate  or  ignorant,  it  is  seldom  exercised,  especially  if 
there  be  a  cunningly-devised  ballot,  not  permitting  erasure  or  substi 
tution." 

Though  in  office  but  one  month  since  the  above  was  written,  yet 
the  experience  of  that  month  has  confirmed  these  views.  The  con 
nection  between  local  politics  and  that  of  the  State  and  nation  is 
detrimental  to  the  interests  of  this  city.  New-York  has  a  govern 
ment  and  a  municipality  of  its  own,  of  too  great  a  magnitude  to  be 
jeoparded  by  being  made  secondary  to  the  overshadowing  influences 
centered  at  the  capital.  The  power  derived  from  the  patronage  of 
the  General  Government  in  this  city,  overwhelms  all  other  political 
considerations,  and  it  is  almost  invariably  the  fact,  when  the  cen 
tral  power  at  Washington  has  a  direct  interest  in  the  result  of  an 
election  here,  that  our  local  interests  are  submerged  entirely.  When 
a  President  is^to  be  chosen,  or  a  congressional  majority  is  to  be 
secured,  or  any  measure  to  be  sustained  or  opposed,  this  power  is  un- 


200  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

hesitatingly  exercised,  and  carries  in  all  the  candidates  as  well  for 
municipal  officers,  as  for  those  directly  required.  The  General  Gov 
ernment  has  never  been  beaten  in  this  city,  when  it  had  a  direct  stake 
in  the  result.  At  every  Presidential  election  for  twenty  years,  the 
then  existing  national  administrations  have  been  sustained  in  this 
city,  and  all  the  candidates  of  the  party  with  which  it  was  identified 
have  been  successful.  There  is  no  arguing  against  these  facts.  The 
conclusion  is  inevitable,  that  other  interests  than  our  own  influence 
if  not  control  the  selection  of  our  own  ruler^  when  elected  at  the 
general  election.  If,  under  these  circumstances,  honest  and  capable 
men  happen  to  be  designated  for  us,  we  are  indebted  for  it  more  to 
accident  or  the  interposition  of  Divine  Providence  in  our  favor  than 
to  the  forethought  and  discriminating  action  of  the  voters  themselves. 
No,  let  there  be  a  separation,  irrevocable  and  entire.  Let  there  be 
but  one  issue  when  local  officers  are  to  be  chosen,  and  that  referring 
to  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  New- York.  Ifr  differing  upon  na 
tional  and  State  ^questions,  we  can  unite  without  embarrassment  or 
obstruction  upon  men  fitted  for  charter  officers  without  reference  to 
their  party  affinities  or  associations,  the  consideration  will  then  be 
not  whether  they  are  in  favor  or  against  any  outside  issue  involving 
matters  of  national  import,  but  whether  in  favor  of  an  economical 
government  for  this  city,  and  opposed  to  vices,  immorality,  corruption 
and  bad  government.  I  shall  not  have  time  to  present  several  other 
points  equally  worthy  of  attention.  If  this  change  is  made  in  the 
charter  now  proposed,  I  could  give  it  my  support  though  not  ap 
proving  all  its  details. 

I  look  upon  spring  charter  elections  as  essential  to  the  well-being 
of  this  city.  It  is  in  my  opinion  paramount  to  all  other  questions 
appertaining  to  the  City  Government.  "With  this  alteration,  the 
paper  now  submitted  by  the  Board  of  Aldermen  will  be  applicable  to 
our  wants,  and  will  give  us  the  best  government  we  have  had  in 
thirty  years. 

Very  respectfully,  yours, 

[Signed]        FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 

With,  these  principles  to  guide  Mm,  with  his  ener 
getic,  strong  nature  to  help  him,  Fernando  Wood  set 


COMPLAINT-BOOK.  201 

out  upon  his  attempt  at  reform — liis  attempt  to  give  to 
this  great  city  a  government  somewhat  worthy  of  it. 

The  first  step  in  all  reforms  is  to  know  the  evil.  It 
was  Mayor  Wood's  first  step.  Previous  to  his  adminis 
tration  there  was  not  one  of  the  departments  to  which 
the  citizen  could  apply  with  certainty  of  having  his 
grievance  redressed.  The  duties  and  the  powers  were 
so  indefinite,  and  the  officials  so  little  desirous  of  having 
trouble,  that  a  complaint  was  sent  from  one  department 
to  another,  and  back  again,  or  to  a  third.  His  sorrow 
appeared  to  be  every  body's,  or,  what  is  tantamount  to 
that,  no  body's  business,  and  when  finally  reduced  to 
petition  the  Common  Council,  he  discovered  that  such  a 
process  was  somewhat  like  a  suit  in  the  court  of  chan 
cery,  a  decision  upon  which  might,  by  the  blessing  of 
Providence,  ultimately  be  obtained  by  his  grandson. 

There  was  no  remedy  for  the  ten  thousand  little  griev 
ances  which  must  of  necessity  annoy  the  private  citizen — 
for  the  petty  distresses,  so  small  in  our  eyes,  so  great  in 
the  eyes  of  those  who  have  to  endure  them.  Mr.  Wood 
is  a  kind,  warm-hearted  man,  as  well  as  an  ingeniously 
intelligent  one ;  and  the  union  of  the  two  qualities  sug 
gested  and  produced  the  COMPLAINT-BOOK.  The  public 
were  notified  through  the  press  that  such  a  book  was 
opened  at  the  Mayor's  office,  wherein  might  be  registered 
complaints  of  dereliction  from  duty  on  the  part  of  any 
corporation  officers,  of  violated  ordinances,  of  illegal  in- 
cumbrances,  of  nuisances,  in  a  word,  of  any  abuse  what 
ever.  Soon  the  broad  leaves  were  covered  with  com 
plaints.  Poor  servant-girls  told  how  unjust  masters  de 
frauded  them  of  their  wages;  young  sewing-women 


202  BIOGEAPHY   OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

exposed  the  cruel  cheatery  of  their  employers ;  police 
men  were  reported  for  negligence  of  duty ;  great  mer 
chants  for  encumbering  the  thoroughfares  with  multi 
tudinous  boxes ;  omnibus  drivers  and  cartmen  for  furious 
and  dangerous  driving ;  hackmen  were  brought  up  for 
overcharges  and  for  insolence ;  street  officials  were  at 
tacked  for  leaving  streets  full  of  garbage  and  filth  ;  Mr. 
Commissioner  of  Paving  got  raps  on  the  knuckles  for 
the  gullies  and  displaced  curb-stones  and  unclosed  sewer- 
holes  that  he  neglected  to  attend  to,  and  frauds  of  all 
kinds  were  exposed;  and  all  these  things  received  the 
prompt  and  personal  attention  of  the  Mayor,  and  where 
it  was  possible  they  were  remedied. 

There  were  some,  however,  who  sought  remedies  for 
wrongs  beyond  the  reach  of  mayors  or  other  human 
authorities.  "Wives  wanted  cross  husbands  made  amia 
ble  ;  mothers  begged  that  tall  daughters  might  be  forced 
to  stay  in-doors ;  poor  men  asked  that  rich  men  might  be 
compelled  to  give  them  work ;  neighbors'  quarrels  were 
laid  before  his  perplexed  Honor  for  adjudication.  One 
worthy  woman  insisted  on  a  personal  interview  with 
him,  and  required  him  to  silence  the  tongue  of  her  next 
door  neighbor,  who  used  to  call  her  names  out  of  the 
window  ;  one  tailor  complained  that  a  policeman  would 
not  pay  his  bill :  the  officer  was  called  up,  plead  honest 
poverty,  and  Mr.  "Wood  paid  the  bill  from  his  own 
pocket,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  accuser  and  accused. 

The  Complaint«-Book  was  so  manifestly  an  admirable 
invention,  that  Mayors  of  various  cities  came  to  New- 
York  to  see  it  and  to  learn  its  working  and  effects,  and 
it  was  set  up  as  an  "  institution''1  all  over  the  Union.  By 


COMPLAINT-BOOK.  203 

it,  Mr.  Wood  has  been  enabled  to  do  an  incalculable 
amount  of  good,  and  to  secure  firm  gratitude  in  thousands 
of  humble  hearts,  which  hitherto  had  suffered  in  silence ; 
the  voice  of  whose  complaint  had  hitherto  never  risen 
up  to  the  ear  of  authoritative  justice.  Children  have 
been  restored  to  their  parents ;  young  girls  have  been 
rescued  from  prostitution ;  right  has  been  done  to  the 
oppressed;  the  rich  cheat  compelled  to  make  humble 
compensation ;  the  poor  emigrant  saved  from  the  brutal 
runner  ;  the  swindler  auctioneer  to  disgorge  his  ill-got 
ten  gains,  and  a  thousand  other  benefits  resulting  from 
this  noble  thought  of  Fernando  Wood,  and  from  that 
decided  action  of  his  which  that  thought  entailed  upon 
him,  and  which  entitled  him  to  the  gratitude  of  all  this 
great  city.  We  were  grateful  for  forty  hours,  and  then 
we  forgot  all  about  it.  It  is  the  fortieth  maxim  of  Ad- 
jutant  and  Ensign  Morgan  O'Doherty,  that  "  You  may 
always  ascertain  whether  you  are  in  a  city  or  a  village 
by  finding  out  whether  the  inhabitants  do  or  do  not  care 
for,  or  speak  about,  ANY  THING,  three  days  after  it  has 
happened."  In  cities  they  don't. 

Now,  whatsoever  good  the  Mayor  has  been  enabled  to 
accomplish,  he  has  done  almost  unaided.  It  is  a  fact, 
incredible  as  it  may  appear  to  the  inhabitants  of  other 
civilized  countries,  that  the  Common  Council  has  abso 
lutely  neglected  to  take  any  action  upon  the  various  and 
important  matters  laid  before  them  in  the  message  of 
January  11. 

Although  the  suggestions  of  that  message  treated  of 
such  vital  points  as  the  health  of  the  city,  the  safety  of 
the  citizens,  the  municipal  revenues,  the  condition  of 


204  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

the  streets,  the  public  education,  and  such  like,  the  Hon. 
Boards  of  Aldermen  and  Councilmen  have  left  that 
message  untouched  until  the  day  on  which  these  lines 
are  being  written — a  period  of  eight  months ;  and  Mr. 
"Wood  has  had  no  assistance  from  them  in  the  great  good 
already  effected,  but  has  been  compelled  to-day,  Sep 
tember  4,  to  recall  their  attention  to  his  message  in  a 
very  peremptory  manner. 


CHAPTER      XIII. 

THE  POLICE  CHAPTER. 

BUT  one  man,  though  he  be  chief  executive  officer, 
can  not  see  all  things  done,  his  will  carried  out,  his 
ideas  fulfilled,  his  thoughts  translated  into  actions,  with 
out  help.  The  supreme  executive  needs  sub-executives ; 
the  law  gives  the  police  corps  to  the  Mayor  to  fill  these 
positions ;  and  when  Mr.  Wood  came  into  office  he  saw, 
as  we  have  seen,  what  work  there  was  to  be  done,  and 
so  looked  about  for  some  one  to  help  him.  He  found  a 
sort  of  civilian  body,  who  did  some  form  of  watchman's 
duty,  well  or  ill  according  as  they  were  honest  men  or 
otherwise. 

You  saw  some  of  them  lounging  about  upon  drink- 
ing-house  steps,  over  area-railings,  looking  on,  as  calm, 
uninterested  judges  of  a  street-fight ;  acting  according 
to  warrant  issued  by  this  or  that  justice,  but  without  any 
idea  of  a  duty  always  imposed  upon,  and  belonging  to 
them  by  virtue  of  their  office. 

But  Mr.  Wood  knew  that  he  had  something  to  do, 
and  that  he  could  not  do  it  alone.  This  police  corps 
was  supposed  to  belong  to  him  ex  suo  officio,  and  there 
fore  had  his  will  to  carry  out  as  their  task  in  official 


206  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

life.  Mr.  "Wood  determined  that  they  should  do  this, 
entitling  themselves  thereby  to  fair  days'  wages  for  their 
fair  days'  work,  to  the  respect  and  confidence  of  their 
fellow  citizens,  to  a  life  of  usefulness — a  life  protective 
of  the  life  and  property  of  others,  their  fellow  citizens. 

The  Mayor  then  —  a  reading,  thinking,  and  on  the 
whole,  unprejudiced  man — seeing  that  the  best  city  gov 
ernments  were  out  of  this  country  and  carried  on  by  a 
military  police,  resolved  to  militarize  the  police  of  New- 
York.  He  began,  advanced,  and  perfected  his  police 
reform,  with  wondrous  quickness  and  with  admirable 
result.  New- York  was  changed  as  in  a  moment.  To 
quote  from  the  Boston  Advertiser : 

"  Immediately  after  bis  inauguration  lie  issued  a  proclamation  which 
gave  New- York  '  assurance  of  a  man.'  He  followed  up  his  words 
with  deeds.  The  effect  of  his  energetic  action  was  instantly  and 
powerfully  felt.  The  two  thousand  three  hundred  drinking-shops, 
which  had  poured  forth  riot  and  madness  into  the  streets  of  the  city 
on  the  Lord's  day,  were  reduced  almost  at  once  to  less  than  twenty. 
Like  another  Caliph  Harouu,  Mr.  Wood  seemed  to  be  ubiquitous. 
He  paralyzed  the  hand  of  barkeepers  grown  bold  with  long  impu 
nity,  by  the  sudden  revelation  of  his  name  and  office,  and  by  the  same 
talisman  struck  insolent  policemen  dumb  in  the  moment  of  their  mis 
conduct  or  their  neglect.  Wherever  his  authority  clearly  extended, 
he  made  it  felt  and  respected,  and  he  did  not  hesitate,  wherever  that 
authority  was  doubtful,  to  take  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of 
decided  action,  if  the  public  good  seemed  to  demand  his  interference. 

The  very  stones  of  New- York  bear  witness  now  to  his  courage  and 
his  conduct.  The  stranger  blesses  the  resolute  Mayor  when  he  lands 
in  safety  from  car  or  steamboat,  unsmitten  by  the  whips,  uuclutched 
by  the  hands  of  raging  Jehus.  The  '  unprotected  female'  breathes 
a  sweet  wish  for  him,  when  the  stout  arm  and  quick  eye  of  the  polite 
policeman  have  cleared  for  her  a  passage  through  the  throng  of 


THE   POLICE   CHAPTER.  207 

coaches  and  of  omnibuses  that  make  Broadway  as  turbulent  as  the 
rapids  of  a  cataract.  There  is  a  fair  change  come  over  the  face  of 
the  great  metropolis,  and  that  change  is  due  absolutely  and  solely  to 
the  simple  fact  that  Mayor  Wood  does  his  duty  like  a  man  ;  for  the 
charter  of  New- York  is  as  bad  as  ever  it  was.  Such  is  the  value  of 
a  man." 

How  lie  went  about  this  work  may  best  be  learned 
from  his  own  messages  and  orders. 

It  was  first  essential  to  know  precisely  under  what 
command  this  corps  of  right  belonged,  and  what  the 
duties  of  its  members  were.  In  his  communication  to 
the  Board  of  Councilmen  of  January  1,  he  expresses 
his  own  ideas  of  these  matters  thus : 

"  This  department  of  the  City  Government  is  placed 
more  directly  under  the  personal  supervision  of  the 
Mayor  than  others  ;  and  in  assuming  its  direction,  with 
the  restricted  power  as  to  appointment  and  removal, 
which,  after  all,  constitute  the  great  elements  of  control, 
I  feel  much  responsibility  and  concern;  its  present 
condition  and  discipline  is  susceptible  of  improvement. 

There  is  an  apparent  want  of  energy  and  efficiency, 
which  must  arise  from  either  defect  in  the  system  or 
want  of  nerve  and  vigilance  in  those  who  direct  it.  It 
shall  be  my  aim  to  remedy  these  omissions.  I  shall 
require  the  strictest  accountability  from  the  men,  and 
also  from  the  several  officers,  who  shall,  in  all  cases,  be 
made  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  subordinates 
under  their  command. 

It  was  thought  that  making  the  police  hold  office 
during  good  behavior  would  remove  it  entirely  from 


208  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

political  influences.  It  may  have  had  such  an  effect,  to 
a  degree  ;  but  whilst  the  power  to  appoint,  suspend,  and 
remove  is  political  and  elective,  it  will  be  expecting  too 
much  of  human  nature  to  suppose  that  political  influence 
can  be  excluded  altogether. 

A  perfect  police  system  must  be  founded  upon  free 
dom  from  all  influences  except  those  produced  by 
merit,  arising  from  a  faithful  and  efficient  discharge  of 
duty. 

When  the  generals  of  an  army  are  periodically  sub 
jected  to  change,  and  in  some  measure  by  the  votes  and 
influences  of  the  army  itself,  it  will  be  almost  impossible 
to  remove  the  partisan  elements  which,  at  every  election, 
are  necessarily  aroused  into  activity. 

The  whole  Police  Board  was  elected  at  the  late  elec 
tion,  two  of  the  late  Board  (the  Kecorder  and  City 
Judge)  being  candidates  for  reelection ;  and  policemen 
would  have  been  more  or  less  than  men,  if  they  could 
have  remained  indifferent  spectators  of  the  result. 

I  am  confident  the  judiciary  is  not  the  proper  author 
ity  for  determining  police  matters;  nor  are  its  members 
qualified,  either  by  habits  of  life  or  train  of  reflection, 
to  make  good  commissioners.  The  bench  and  the  serv 
ice  would  each  be  benefited  by  a  separation.  My  col 
leagues  on  the  present  Police  Board  fully  concur  in  these 
opinions. 

It  shall  be  my  aim  to  impress  all  connected  with  the 
police,  that  official  merit,  and  not  partisan  influence,  is 
what  is  expected  of  them ;  and,  so  far  as  my  power  ex 
tends,  it  shall  be  exercised  for  the  entire  eradication  of 
politics  from  the  department. 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  209 

On  the  first  of  January  instant,  I  issued  new  orders, 
a  copy  of  which  is  annexed,  [marked  B,]  and  to  which. 
I  call  your  attention  as  developing  the  principles  upon 
which  I  shall  administer  the  department.  In  connection 
with  this  subject,  it  may  be  proper  for  me  to  add,  that 
there  has  been  opened  in  the  Mayor's  office,  under  my 
direction,  a  book  for  recording  complaints  against  the 
police,  as  well  as  for  violations  of  the  ordinances  and 
laws,  where  charges  will  be  entertained,  and  acted  upon 
by  me  in  person. 

The  police  are  required  for  several  purposes  other 
than  the  protection  of  the  public  interests  of  the  city, 
for  which  it  should  not  be  obliged  to  pay. 

There  is  one  squad  of  the  reserve  corps  detailed  for 
the  duty  of  boarding  vessels  from  foreign  ports,  with 
emigrant  passengers,  and  other  service  rendered,  before 
referred  to,  which  should  be  paid  from  the  fund  of  the 
Emigrant  Commissioners.  Many  other  policemen  are 
stationed  at  the  several  railroad  depots  and  ferries,  and 
at  places  of  public  amusement,  by  request  of  the  pro 
prietors,  and  for  the  protection  of  their  private  interests, 
and  not  for  public  purposes.  This  expense  should  be 
borne  by  the  parties  requiring  their  services.  In  Lon 
don,  where  the  police  system  is  said  to  be  better  than 
our  own,  such  is  the  practice ;  and  the  General  Govern 
ment  has  adopted  the  same  course  with  reference  to  the 
salaries  of  its  Custom-House  officers,  when  acting  for 
private  convenience  or  safety.  About  thirty  thousand 
dollars  would  be  thus  saved. 

The  expense  of  the  police  force  has  attracted  atten 
tion,  and  it  has  been  properly  suggested  that  it  can  be 


210  BIOGKAPHY  OF   FERNANDO  WOOD. 

used  for  many  public  purposes  for  which  the  city  now 
pays  heavily. 

In  considering  the  cost  of  the  police,  it  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  it  is  almost  entirely  made  up  of  salaries. 
This  department  disburses  little  money  for  any  other 
purpose.  It  makes  no  contracts,  and  procures  no  sup 
plies  ;  and  is  confined  to  the  disbursement  of  such  sums, 
for  compensation  to  the  officers  and  men,  as  have  been 
fixed  by  the  Common  Council.  Be  it  more  or  less,  no 
officer  connected  with  it  is  in  any  way  responsible.  It 
is  true  that  much  duty,  now  performed  by  subordinates 
under  other  departments,  can  be  performed  by  the  po 
lice,  without  impairing  its  efficiency.  My  direction  has 
already  been  given  to  the  patrolmen  to  a,ct  as  street- 
inspectors,  and  to  report,  through  their  officers,  to  me 
every  instance  when  the  contractor  fails  to  clean  the 
streets  within  his  district.  They  have  also  Been  required 
to  report  all  excavations  made  under  the  side-walks  or 
streets,  by  builders  or  others — the  object  of  which  is  to 
supply  information  to  the  Commissioner  of  Streets,  by 
which  he  can  collect  the  legal  claims  of  the  city  for  ap 
propriating  to  private  use  any  portion  of  the  streets. 

If  my  recommendation  of  consolidating  all  business 
appertaining  to  streets  into  one  department  is  carried 
out,  many  collateral  branches  can  be  put  under  the 
Police  Department,  without  any  detriment  to  it  what 
ever. 

There  is  no  question  that  the  several  duties  of  police 
men  are  entirely  too  light,  in  view  of  the  necessity  of 
materially  lessening  the  number  of  public  officers. 

It  is  for  you  to  legislate  upon  this  recommendation, 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  211 

and  you  will  find  me  ready  to  enforce  its  practical  opera 
tion." 

Nor  were  the  policemen  left  uninformed  as  to  what 
was  expected  from  them ;  for  on  the  same  day  he 
instructs  them  thus : 

"  I  have  this  day  assumed  the  office  of  head  of  the 
Police  Department  of  this  city,  and  shall  expect  and 
require  adherence  to  its  rules  and  regulations.  In  your 
hands  is  placed  the  care  of  the  property  and  lives,  as 
well  as  the  order,  peace,  and  outward  moral  deportment 
of  the  whole  community. 

Though  you  can  not  extirpate  vice,  you  can  do  much 
to  suppress  it.  Vigilance  and  an  honest  discharge  of 
your  duties,  will  not  only  enable  the  people  to  pay  more 
for  your  protection  by  reducing  the  expense  which  crime 
produces,  but  add  to  the  respectability  of  your  position 
and  to  the  security  of  its  continuance.  There  is  now 
dissatisfaction  in  the  public  mind  with  the  apparent 
inefficiency  of  the  police.  There  should  be  no  cause  for 
it !  Let  there  be  none  !  Your  duties  are  light ;  the  pay 
not  illiberal ;  your  social  standing  good ;  and  the  term 
for  which  appointed,  renders  you  independent  of  the 
contingencies  to  which  the  operative  and  other  laboring 
classes  are  subjected.  You  hold  positions  of  trust  and 
honor  to  which  the  pride  and  ambition  of  any  man  need 
not  be  ashamed  to  aspire. 

It  is  made  my  duty  to  see  the  laws  faithfully  executed ; 
you  are  to  be  my  aids  in  effecting  this.  I  can  not  look 
over  the  whole  city  to  see  that  all  is  right ;  but  you  can 
for  me.  I  rely  upon  you.  You  are  to  be  the  eyes  through 


212  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

which  the  theatre  of  my  duties  is  to  be  observed,  and 
the  messengers  to  convey  to  me,  through  your  officers, 
faithful  and  truthful  reports. 

In  addition  to  the  rules  and  regulations  now  in  force 
in  the  Department,  and  the  several  directions  therein, 
you  are  requested  to  take  note  of  and  comply  with  the 
following : 

It  is  hereby  made  your  duty  to  report  every  day,  when 
on  duty,  to  your  commanding  officer,  the  following  in 
formation  ;  and  an  omission  to  do  so,  and  to  conform  to 
every  requirement  of  this  circular,  will  be  deemed  dis 
obedience,  and  punished  as  such. 

To  report  every  street  uncleaned  in  your  patrol. 

Every  unlicensed  public  house  for  the  sale  of  liquor. 

Every  public  house  kept  open  on  the  Sabbath. 

Every  house  of  prostitution. 

Every  gambling-house. 

Every  street  not  lighted  at  the  proper  hour. 

Every  street  or  side- walk  encumbered,  and  the  party 
or  parties  offending. 

Every  excavation  made  under  the  side- walks  or  streets, 
by  builders  or  others. 

Every  nuisance,,  and  the  party  offending. 

Every  supposed  dereliction  by  any  officer  of  the  Cor 
poration. 

Every  violation  of  the  city  ordinances. 

You  are  further  directed  to  disperse  all  gatherings  of 
men  or  boys  at  the  corners  of  the  streets,  or  other  public 
places,  on  the  Sabbath,  where  disorder  is  produced. 

To  enforce  the  closing  of  public  houses  on  the  Sabbath 
day. 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTEK.  213 

To  protect  the  stranger  or  emigrant  from  extortion  or 
imposition. 

To  remove  from  the  streets  all  beggars,  and  direct 
them  to  the  several  public  and  private  institutions  cre 
ated  for  their  relief. 

To  see  that  the  ordinances  for  the  removal  of  snow 
and  ice  from  the  side-walks  and  gutters  be  promptly 
complied  with. 

You  are  further  directed  to  arrest  for  creating  riot  or 
breaches  of  the  peace. 

For  being  intoxicated  and  disorderly  in  the  street. 

For  injuring  private  or  public  property. 

For  stopping  the  free  passage  of  the  cross-walks  by 
cartmen,  coachmen,  or  others. 

For  throwing  offal,  garbage,  vegetables,  and  rubbish 
in  the  streets. 

For  offences  of  any  kind  against  the  laws. 

Your  faithful  compliance  with  these  directions  is 
requested.  Let  no  consideration  induce  you  to  omit  one 
of  them. 

You  have  now  a  determined  chief  officer,  who  will 
not  be  indifferent  to  a  single  dereliction  of  duty  upon 
the  part  of  those  for  whose  conduct  he  is  responsible  to 
the  community. 

And  farther,  for  the  observance  of  the  Sunday  laws, 
he,  under  date  of  Feb.  15,  bids  the  captains  "  continue 
the  utmost  vigilance  in  preserving  the  quiet,  good  order, 
and  peace  of  the  Sabbath  day.  The  aid  you  have  ren 
dered  me,"  says  he,  "  so  far  in  accomplishing  these  great 
reforms,  is  appreciated,  not  only  by  myself,  but  by  the 


214  BIOaKAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

whole  community.  Without  your  hearty  cooperation  I 
could  do  nothing. 

In  addition  to  your  usual  Sunday  liquor  report, 
please  make  returns  of  any  daguerreotype-rooms,  cloth 
ing-stores,  or  other  business  places,  illegally  open  on 
Sunday,  within  your  district.  It  is  my  determination  to 
make  this  city  as  distinguished  for  the  orderly,  peaceful, 
and  placid  character  of  its  streets  upon  the  Sabbath,  as 
it  has  heretofore  been,  on  that  day,  for  every  thing  that 
was  objectionable  and  shocking  to  the  moral  sense  of 
the  people.  To  accomplish  this  improvement,  I  must 
have  your  constant  vigilance  and  faithful  obedience  to 
orders." 

But  Mr.  "Wood's  idea  of  exclusive  control  of  the 
police,  aroused  partisan  fear  and  opposition. 

This  man  is  rather  too  absolute,  was  the  first  recalci- 
tory  sound  heard,  dim  grumbling  in  the  distance.  He 
has  too  much  power,  with  this  police  of  his,  and  il  faut 
changer  tout  cela.  Let  us  get  a  bill  passed  by  our  in 
spired  men  at  Albany — a  new  Police  Bill,  which  will 
strip  this  on-going  man  of  his  authority.  And  they  who 
grumbled  thus  went  diligently  to  work  and  lobbied  for 
that  enactment. 

But  Fernando  Wood,  courageous,  energetic,  persist 
ent  as  he  is,  nevertheless  refused  absolutely  to  fight 
without  arms,  to  labor  without  tools.  And  so  he  gave 
the  inspired  men  at  Albany  to  understand  that,  if  they 
took  from  him  his  sword  and  his  bow,  he  would  have 
the  honor  of  depositing  his  commission  at  the  feet  of 
that  people  who  gave  it  to  him,  respectfully  but  with 
characteristic  firmness,  declining  any  more  to  be  officer 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  215 

of  theirs.  To  state  this  clearly,  the  attempt  against  him, 
and  his  own  resolute  will  in  the  matter,  he,  on  the  5th 
of  March,  1855,  wrote  to  Lieut. -Governor  Kaymond  the 
letter  here  annexed  : 

Having  assumed  the  office  of  Mayor  with  a  determination  to  dis 
charge  its  duties  with  a  single  eye  to  the  public  interests,  it  is  impos 
sible  for  me  to  remain  indifferent  to  a  proposition  which,  if  passed, 
will  strike  the  death-blow  to  all  my  efforts,  however  feeble,  to  remove 
the  shocking  evils  which-  have  grown  out  of  past  misgovernment. 
Though  opposed  to  granting  special  acts  for  the  benefit  of  individuals 
or  classes,  I  am  willing  to  yield  almost  every  thing  before  giving  up 
the  only  safeguard  we  possess  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace  and 
the  property  and  the  lives  of  our  people.  Give  up  all,  but  give  us 
the  police.  The  police,  as  now  organized  under  its  present  system, 
is  efficient.  As  a  whole,  it  not  only  seconds  my  efforts,  but  it  has 
been  the  main  instrument  by  which  nearly  every  reform  projected  by 
me  has  been  carried  through.  The  closing  of  the  liquor  shops  on  the 
Sabbath  has  been  principally  produced  by  the  vigilance  of  the  police 
in  obedience  to  my  orders.  To  fully  comprehend  the  results  of  this 
triumph  over  one  of  the  greatest  sources  of  vice  and  crime  in  this 
city,  it  is  only  necessary  to  refer  to  the  number  of  arrests  on  the  Sab 
bath  in  1854,  as  compared  with  the  arrests  on  the  same  day,  thus  far, 
in  1855. 

The  following  tabular  statement,  from  official  records,  is  reliable : 

ARRESTS   ON  SUNDAYS,   1854. 


Jan.    1,. 

.  .  .206 

Apr.  2, 

...76              July  2,....  162 

Oct    1,. 

...95 

"       8,. 

...63 

"       9, 

...112                 "       9, 

....ISO 

"       8» 

...127 

"     15,. 

...  83 

"     16, 

...71                 "     16, 

....143 

"     15,. 

...123 

«     22,. 

...  85 

•'     23, 

...124                 "     23, 

....132 

"     22,. 

...120 

"     29,. 

...70 

"     30,. 

...133                 "     30, 

....117 

"     29,. 

...118 

Feb.  5,. 

...131 

May  7,. 

...141               Aug.  6, 

...164 

Nov.  5,. 

...105 

41     12,  . 

...131 

"     14,. 

...136                 "     13, 

...149 

"     12,. 

...56 

"     19,. 

...112 

"     21, 

..  136 

20, 

....184 

"     19,. 

...133 

"     26,. 

...77 

"     28, 

...121 

27, 

....133 

«     26,. 

...110 

Mar.  5,. 

...97 

June  4, 

..160               S 

pt  3, 

....168 

Dec.  3,. 

...71 

"     12,. 

...140 

"     11, 

.  .  .139 

10, 

....112 

"     10,. 

...87 

"     19, 

...100 

.      "     18, 

...130 

17, 

....126 

"     1?,. 

.   .103 

"     26, 

...116 

"     25, 

...141"                    24, 

....146 

"     24,- 

...  78 

«     81,. 

...112 

216  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 


ABRESTS  ON  SUNDAYS,  1855. 

Jan.    7,....  53  Jan.21,....  46  Feb.  4,....  88  Feb.18,....  60 

"     14,....  65  "     28,....  41  "     11,....  35  "     25,....  47 

By  this  it  will  appear,  that,  in  the  first  eight  Sabbaths  of  1854, 
the  arrests  were  878  as  against  338  for  the  same  period  in  1855.  To 
appreciate  this,  under  my  administration,  the  increased  vigilance  and 
activity  of  the  police  must  be  considered.  If,  with  the  lax  discipline 
existing  in  January  and  February,  1854,  there  were  arrested  on  the 
Sundays  in  those  months,  878  offenders,  what  would  there  have  been 
under  the  new  regulations  and  more  stringent  administration  now  exist 
ing  ?  But  if  from  any  supposed  cause  other  reasons  can  be  found  than 
the  closing  of  the  public  houses,  for  so  great  a  difference  between  the 
two  years,  refer  to  the  eight  Sundays  immediately  preceding  the  com 
mencement  of  my  term,  and  it  will  be  seen  that  the  arrests  were  855  in 
November  and  December,  1854,  and  only,  as  before  stated,  338  for  the 
two  following  months — January  and  February,  1855.  Comment  on 
these  figures  is  unnecessary.  The  obvious  deductions  are,  that  the  abo 
lition  of  liquor-selling  on  Sunday,  together  with  the  present  improved 
condition  of  the  police,  are  productive  of  morality  and  destructive  of 
disorder,  vice  and  crime ;  and  these  results  have  been  mainly  effected 
through  the  extreme  devotion  of  the  police  to  my  orders,  and  this  de 
votion  to  my  orders  is  the  consequence  of  its  present  discipline,  pro 
duced  by  the  unrestricted  power  I  now  hold  over  it. 

Other  similar  reforms  have  been  effected  in  the  same  manner,  the 
consequence  of  the  same  cause ;  but  this  is  sufficient  to  show  conclu 
sively  that  the  police,  as  now  organized  and  controlled,  is  rapidly  im 
proving,  and  will  soon  become  second  to  no  similar  corps  in  the 
world,  which  is  not  directly  under  military  rule.  This  improvement 
has  been  accomplished  under  the  present  system,  which,  though  not 
perfect,  is  far  preferable  to  that  now  before  the  Legislature. 

That  bill  proposes  that  there  shall  be  elected  by  the  people  four 
Commissioners  of  Police,  who,  with  the  Mayor,  ex  officio,  shall  con 
stitute  a  Board  to  sit  daily  in  a  room  to  be  provided  by  the  Commou 
Council,  and,  of  course,  at  an  hour  when  the  Mayor  can  not  be  pre 
sent,  and  who  shall,  through  a  President  to  be  selected  by  themselves, 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  217 

from  their  own  number,  have  full  and  unrestricted  control  over  the 
whole  department,  even  to  the  issuing  of  orders,  notices,  etc.,  to  the 
police. 

The  Commissioners  are  to  be  elected  by  the  people.  It  will  not 
do  to  assume  that  the  members  of  the  Legislature  are  ignorant  of  the 
mode  of  conducting  our  primary  elections  in  this  city,  by  dwelling 
upon  the  objections  to  this  way  of  making  commissioners  who  are  to 
be  clothed  with  the  important  power  of  appointing,  trying,  punish 
ing,  and  removing  policemen  in  whose  hands  are  placed  the  custody 
of  the  peace,  order,  property,  and  lives  of  nearly  three  quarters  of  a 
million  of  inhabitants.  There  are  some  propositions  so  evident,  that 
no  argument  or  statements  are  required  to  elucidate  them ;  that  a, 
police  system  founded  upon  this  principle,  deriving  its  appointment 
from  this  source,  will  be  destructive  to  every  semblance  of  what  con 
stitutes  police,  is  one  of  these.  But  admitting  the  elective  principle 
without  objection,  the  withdrawal  of  power  from  the  Mayor,  contem 
plated  by  the  bill,  can  not  be  defended. 

The  scattering  of  authority  among  Fire  Commissioners,  is  of 
itself  bad  enough,  inasmuch  as  it  destroys  that  unity  of  executive 
authority,  without  which  no  good  government  can  exist  in  this  city, 
with  its  present  hybrid  population ;  but  to  take  from  the  chief  magis 
trate,  whose  duty  it  is  made  to  see  the  laws  executed,  and  who  is 
responsible  to  the  people,  control  over  the  police,  is  if  possible,  yet 
worse. 

It  is  true  the  bill  contains  one  section  that  the  Mayor/  shall  be 
''Head  of  the  Police  Department,"  but  this  is  a  contemptible  false 
hood,  unworthy  of  a  place  in  any  statute.  To  declare  that  any  offi 
cer  shall  be  the  head  of  a  department,  when  deprived  by  another 
section  of  every  thing  that  constitutes  authority  over  it,  is  as  absurd 
in  theory  as  it  is  insulting  to  the  common  serfse  of  the  people, 
who  it  thus  seeks  to  deceive  into  a  belief  of  its  possible  practica 
bility. 

So  far,  I  have  made  myself  useful  in  the  office  of  Mayor.    My 
success  in  removing  many  evils,  and  in  the  introduction  of  reforms  of 
great  benefit,  has  exceeded  my  expectations. 
•     10 


218  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

L  desire  to  go  on  unmolested  and  unrestricted  in  the  use  of  the 
weapons  by  which  crime  has  been  punished,  vice  prevented,  and  mu 
nicipal  abuses  abolished.  When  these  are  taken  from  me,  my  use 
fulness  is  destroyed.  Without  tools,  no  mechanic  can  construct,  and 
without  a  police,  no  magistrate  can  perform  his  duty. 

Pass  this  bill,  and  the  liquor-shops  will  soon  be  again  opened  on 
Sunday,  and  all  the  other  evils  which  have  so  long  affected  us,  and 
from  which  we  are  now  happily  being  relieved,  will  soon  be  restored, 
and  render  this  great  and  beautiful  city  a  disgrace  to  the  American 
name. 

When  this  comes,  the  people  must  find  some  other  occupant  for 
the  Mayoralty  chair.  I  shall  cease  to  hold  it  when  deprived  of  the 
means  to  carry  out  the  reforms  which  I  have  begun,  and,  so  far,  have 
been  successful  in  accomplishing. 

So  the  inspired  men  at  Albany  were  good  enough  not 
to  pass  that  bill,  and  Fernando  Wood  went  on. 

It  also  struck  New-Yorkers  about  this  time,  that  pos 
sibly  the  city  Police  interested  them  fully  as  much  as  it 
could  the  member  from  Cataraugus  or  the  citizens  of 
Desdemona.  They  begged  to  have  a  say  in  this  matter, 
and  on  Friday,  March  22,  1855,  there  was  convened  at 
the  Tabernacle  such  a  meeting  as  has  seldom  been  seen 
anywhere.  On  the  platform  sat  the  representatives  of 
at  least  fifty  millions  of  dollars  ;  the  oldest  and  greatest 
merchants  of  the  city ;  three  of  Mr.  "Wood's  predeces 
sors  in  the  Mayoralty,  even  Mr.  Horace  Greeley,  Editor- 
Proprietor  of  the  New- York  Tribune.  All  these  har 
moniously  and  gratefully  thanked  Mayor  Wood  for  serv 
ices  already  done,  and  expressed  confidence  in  him  for 
the  future. 

These  were  the  officers  of  that  meeting : 


',-TO  p 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTEK.  221 

worked  well  and  admirably.  (Great  cheering.)  When 
I  found  the  Mayor  was  elected,  I  wrote  him  a  note  ten 
dering  my  whole  service  to  aid  him  in  executing  the  law. 
That's  the  kind  of  politician  I  am.  Throughout  his 
whole  career  I  shall  give  him  my  support  as  far  as  I  am 
able. 

Mr.  HOXIE  said,  I  speak  on  behalf  of  6756  residents 
of  the  First,  Second  and  Third  wards.  These  are  the 
notes,  of  my  speech  (exhibiting  a  gigantic  roll  of  names.) 
These  names  are  only  from  the  First,  Second  and  Third 
wards,  and  if  we  are  as  successful  in  the  other  wards,  we 
will  give  the  Legislature  at  Albany  a  hint.  They  had 
better  pause  before  they  break  down  the  best  police  sys 
tem  we  ever  had.  I  care  not  for  whose  benefit  this  bill 
is  brought  forward,  and  though  I  have  given  the  strength 
of  my  manhood  to  the  Whig  party,  if  the  legislators  at 
Albany  pass  this  bill,  I  have  given  the  last  Whig  vote  I 
shall  ever  give  in  my  life.  (Loud  and  long-continued 
applause.)  This  paper  contains  the  residences  of  its 
signers.  They  have  local  habitations  as  well  as  names. 
(The  gentleman  here  unrolled  the  petition.)  The  other 
end  of  this,  I  believe,  is  in  the  Eighteenth  ward.  (Laugh 
ter  and  great  applause.) 

The  following  is  the  remonstrance  : 

KEMONSTKANCE,    BY    THE    CITIZENS    OF    NEW-YOKK, 
AGAINST  ANY  CHANGE  IN  THE  POLICE  SYSTEM. 

The  undersigned,  citizens  of  New-York,  without  regard  to  political 
distinction,  beg  leave  to  represent  that  we  are  satisfied  with  the  or 
ganization  of  the  police  of  this  city,  under  the  act  of  1853,  and  of 
its  increased  respectability  and  efficiency  under  the  control  of  the 


222  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

Mayor,  Eecorder,  and  City  Judge,  our  three  highest  magistrates,  and 
we  strongly  deprecate  any  change  in  the  law,  by  which  the  safety  of 
Our  persons  and  the  protection  of  our  property  shall  be  taken  away 
from  those  responsible  magistrates,  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  private 
persons,  as  commissioners,  at  large  salaries,  to  be  nominated  by  poli 
tical  committees  chosen  at  packed  primary  meetings,  of  which  body 
the  Mayor  would,  by  virtue  of  his  office,  be  but  a  mere  nominal 
member. 

We  apprehend  that  such  a  change  in  the  law  would  convert  the 
whole  Police  Department  into  a  political  organization,  which  would 
be  destructive  of  its  independence  and  respectability,  and  of  the  ener 
gies  of  the  officers  and  men  ;  and  that  instead  of  devoting  their  whole 
time  and  attention  to  the  enforcement  of  the  laws,  they  would  be 
come  political  partisans,  and  be  tempted,  by  designing  politicians,  to 
sell  their  influence  and  power  to  the  political  party  which  should 
offer  the  strongest  inducements  for  its  support. 

We  respectfully  represent,  that  the  members  of  the  Legislature  at 
large  are  interested  with  us  in  the  moral  character  and  good  govern 
ment  of  our  city,  comprising  one  fifth  of  the  population  of  the  State, 
and  that  their  constituents,  on  their  visits  to  our  city  on  business  or 
pleasure,  peculiarly  require  the  protection  of  a  vigilant  and  energetic 
police.  We,  therefore,  respectfully  beg  leave  to  remonstrate  against 
any  change  whatever  in  the  present  system  ;  but  respectfully  ask  the 
Legislature  to  let  the  Police  law  of  1853  remain  as  it  is. 

NEW-YOKE,  March,  1855. 

Mr.  PELATIAH  PEEIT  moved  the  adoption  of  the  fol 
lowing  resolution : 

Resolved,  That  the  remonstrance  which  has  been  circulated  exten 
sively  by  the  citizens  of  New- York,  be  approved  and  adopted  by  this 
meeting,  and  that  it  be  transmitted  to  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature 
by  the  presiding  officer  of  this  meeting. 

My  only  motive,  he  said,  for  saying  a  word,  is  to  bear 
testimony  to  the  singular  unanimity  with  which  the  bill 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  223 

at  Albany  has  been  resisted.  I  have  found  but  two  in 
dividuals  who  do  not  unite  with  us ;  but  they,  in  a  silent 
way,  admitted  that  party  connections  tied  their  hands. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  under  the  present  police  sys 
tem,  our  condition  in  New- York  has  been  decidedly  im 
proved.  Under  our  present  chief  magistrate  it  has  been 
found  that  the  laws  can  be  successfully  administered. 
(Cheers.)  Just  at  this  moment  we  are  arrested  by  a  pro 
position  which  will  effectually  remove  all  that  is  good  in 
New- York,  and  substitute  what  is  bad.  Let  the  gentle 
men  at  Albany  stand  notified,  that  if  all  our  interests 
are  to  be  sacrificed,  they  will  lose  our  adhesion,  for  we 
will  not  follow  in  their  train.  (Cheers.) 

Mr.  STILLMAN,  of  the  Novelty  Works,  was  the  next 
speaker.  I  rise,  he  said,  to  represent  the  mechanics  of 
New- York,  in  resisting  the  bill  now  before  the  Legisla 
ture.  We  have  at  the  head  of  our  Police  Department  a 
good  and  emcient  man  ;  let  us  give  him  proper  tools  to 
work  with.  This  is  the  unanimous  sentiment  of  the 
mechanics  of  New- York.  (Cheers.) 

Three  cheers  were  then  given  for  the  Mayor,  after 
which,  the  meeting  dissolved. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  proposed  bill  was  crushed 
back  into  the  nothingness  from  which  it  had  sprung. 
What  further  was  in  the  Mayor's  mind,  he  expresses  in 
the  following  letter  to  James  W.  Gerard,  Esq.  : 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW-YORK,  Thursday,  April  5,  1855. 

DEAR  SIR  :  Your  esteemed  favor  of  4th  inst.  is  received.     I  can 

not  conceive  that  any  thing  in  my  messages  to  the  Common  Council, 

which  have  been  referred  to,  can  be  construed  into  an  approval  of 

either  of  the  propositions  made  at  Albany,  this  winter,  to  amend  the 


224  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

present  law  relating  to  the  police  of  this  city.  It  is  true  that  in  both 
the  inaugural  and  recommendatory  messages,  allusion  is  made  to  the 
present  police  system  as  defective ;  but  it  is  as  plainly  and  distinctly 
sets  forth,  as  well  as  can  be,  that  the  defects  lay  in  the  restriction  of 
the  powers  of  the  Mayor,  as  the  head  of  the  Police  Department,  and 
not  that  he  held  too  much  power,  as  is  the  theory  of  the  proposition 
now  before  the  Senate.  In  the  first  of  these  documents  this  position 
is  plainly  asserted,  when  I  say,  "though  ostensibly  head  of  the  Police 
Department,  he  is  not  so  practically,  in  the  essential  element  of  au 
thority — that  of  controlling  the  retention  or  removal  of  his  own  sub 
ordinates.  The  Chief  of  Police  holds  his  place  independent  of  the 
Mayor,  that  officer  having  been  appointed  during  "  good  behavior/' 
by  the  late  Mayor  and  Board  of  Commissioners,  under  the  law  of 
1853,  which* they  construed  to  give  that  authority.  He  can  not, 
solus,  appoint  or  remove  the  humblest  subordinate  in  the  service,  nor 
make  the  rules  and  regulations  for  its  governance.  Of  these  requisites 
of  power,  so  necessary  to  make  an  efficient  police  corps,  he  is  by  law 
deprived.  Discipline  can  only  be  obtained  and  maintained  by  the 
firm  hand  of  unrestricted  power  ;  besides,  it  is  wrong  in  principle,  to 
make  any  public  officer  responsible  for  the  acts  of  subordinates  who 
are  placed  beyond  his  individual  power  to  remove." 

Here  is  a  complaint  of  the  want  of  power  of  the  Mayor  over  the 
department ;  that  he  should  not  divide  it  with  others  ;  that  he  is 
responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  police,  and  hence  should  govern  it ; 
that  two  commissioners  who  can  outvote  him  and  control  the  appoint 
ments  and  removals,  should  not  be  placed  beside  him  to  manage  it. 
To  leave  no  doubt  as  to  these  being  my  views  then,  as  now,  I  quote 
again  from  the  recommendatory  message  of  January  11, 1855: 

"  This  department  of  the  city  government  is  placed  more  directly 
under  the  personal  supervision  of  the  Mayor  than  others ;  and,  in 
assuming  its  direction,  with  the  restricted  power  as  to  appointment 
and  removal,  which,  after  all,  constitute  the  great  elements  of  control, 
I  feel  much  responsibility  and  concern." 

And  again,  still  carrying  out  the  idea  that  there  should  be  but  one 
head  and  one  power  of  appointment  and  removal,  and  that  the  two 
judges  who  now  form  part  of  the  Board  of  Commissioners  should  be 


THE   POLICE  CHAPTEE.  225 

taken  away,  and  leave  all  to  the  Mayor,  the  following  passage 
occurs  : 

"  I  am  confident  the  judiciary  is  not  the  proper  authority  for  deter 
mining  police  matters  ;  nor  are  its  members  qualified,  either  by  habits 
of  life  or  train  of  reflection,  to  make  good  commissioners.  The  bench 
and  the  service  would  each  be  benefited  by  a  separation.  My  col 
leagues  on  the  present  Police  Board  fully  concur  in  these  opinions." 

life  whole  theory  of  my  views  of  executive  government  of  every 
character,  so  far  as  this  city  is  concerned,  is  one  head.  I  am  satisfied 
no  good  government  can  exist  in  a  city  like  this,  containing  so  many 
thousands  of  the  turbulent,  the  vicious,  and  the  indolent,  without  a 
chief  officer  with  necessary  power  to  see  to  the  faithful  execution  of 
the  laws,  for  the  protection  of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi 
ness.  No  inconsiderable  portion  of  our  population  think  that  repub 
licanism  consists  in  the  absence  of  law  and -government. 

The  bill  now  before  the  Senate  proposes  to  create  three  commis 
sioners,  who,  with  the  Mayor,  ex  officio,  are  to  form  a  Board,  who  are 
to  possess  all  the  powers  now  held  by  the  present  Board.  The  com 
missioners  are  to  be  elected  by  the  people  for  the  exclusive  purpose  of 
making  and  unmaking  policemen.  Now,  though  opposed  to  dividing 
the  power  of  the  Mayor  over  the  police,  with  any  other  officers,  still, 
if  the  principle  is  to  be  tolerated,  better  that  high  judicial  officers, 
who  are  elected  judges,  and  whose  duties  as  commissioners  are  inci 
dent  to  their  duties  upon  the  bench,  should  be  his  associates,  than 
men  who  will  be  chosen  for  the  purpose  under  the  primary  election 
system  now  in  vogue.  Great  is  the  difference  between  Police  Com 
missioners  taken  from  high  judicial  positions,  and  Police  Commis 
sioners  made  by  the  tools  of  party,  reeking  from  the  stews  of  sin  and 
iniquity,  which  at  present  have  so  much  influence  over  party  machin 
ery.  How  far  the  lives  and  prosperity,  and  the  order  and  decency  of 
the  people  of  this  city  will  be  protected  under  a  Board  emanating 
from  a  source  of  this  character,  there  can  be  no  difficulty  in  divining. 
The  Senate's  proposition  is  to  lessen  my  power  over  the  police, 
whereas  I  have  'asked  for  its  increase.  My  message  can  not  be  con 
strued  into  any  other  position.  I  never  used  any  other  language. 
Instead  of  giving  to  the  Mayor  that  strength  which  a  full  exercise  of 


226  BIOGRAPHY   OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

the  duties  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  city  should  possess,  and  without 
which  there  can  not  be  the  necessary  vigor  and  independence,  it  is 
proposed  by  this  bill  to  take  away  power,  to  decentralize  it,  instead 
of  concentrating  it  in  him,  by  placing  three  active  politicians  along 
side  of  him,  to  annoy  and  worry  him  into  a  compliance  with  their 
party  behests.  It  is  not  too  much  to  add,  that  the  department  would 
soon  be  filled  with  men  chosen  for  partisan  services  and  not  personal 
fitness,  and  the  power  that  placed  them  in  office  would  protect  them 
against  the  Mayor  afterwards.  Not  only  is  the  election  of  Police 
Commissioners,  as  such,  exclusively  for  this  duty,  objectionable,  but 
the  mode  of  the  election  under  this  bill  is  yet  more  so. 

It  provides  that  after  the  expiration  of  the  terms  of  those  named 
in  the  act,  there  are  to  be  chosen  two  at  every  election,  by  taking 
the  two  candidates  who  receive  the  highest  number  of  votes,  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  Governors  of  the  Alms-house  are  selected.  The 
alleged  ground  for  this  mode  is,  to  secure  a  balance  of  partisan  inter 
est  in  the  Board ;  because,  as  it  is  said,  each  party  will  be  sure  to 
elect  a  man,  and  hence  parties  will  be  divided.  Now,  even  admitting 
that  such  would  be  its  effect — which  it  will  not,  as  there  are  at  least 
four  political  parties  in  this  city — and  of  course  to  do  this  it  would 
be  necessary  to  elect  four  commissioners.  Yet  the  theory  of  the 
mode  is  wrong,  inasmuch  as  it  secures  the  election  of  a  commissioner 
who  has  been  rejected  by  the  people.  The  second  highest  would  be 
really  and  in  fact  discarded,  as  unfit  to  be  intrusted  with  the  import 
ant  and  delicate  duties  devolving  upon  the  office.  It  is  proposed  to 
take  this  repudiated  candidate  and  give  him  a  seat  at  a  Board,  with 
as  full  powers  as  the  Mayor  himself,  and  in  fact  to  control  the  action 
of  the  Board  itseltVover  the  Mayor,  even  against  his  efforts  to  protect 
the  city  —  it  may  be  from  the  very  interests  this  commissioner  repre 
sents. 

Suppose  the  gamblers,  lottery  men,  and  houses  of  prostitution  com 
bine  to  elect  Police  Commissioners  ;  who  can  say,  that  if  not  success 
ful  in  electing  both,  they  would  not  at  least  secure  the  second  highest, 
and  consequently  force  upon  us  an  agent  to  secure  the  protection  of 
their  peculiar  interests?  Another  no  less  serious  objection  is  the 
naming  of  executive  officers  in  a  -bill  by  the  Legislature.  This  is  a 


THE   POLICE  CHAPTER.  227 

clear  encroachment  upon  the  executive  by  the  legislative  branch. 
The  Government  of  this  State  is  separated  into  the  Judicial,  Legis 
lative,  and  Executive.  These  divisions  are  defined  by  the  Constitu 
tion,  not  only  of  New- York,  but  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as 
every  State  in  the  Union.  One  branch  has  no  constitutional  right 
to  interfere  with  either  of  the  others.  The  Legislature,  in  my  judg 
ment,  can  have  no  legal  authority  to  perform  executive  duties,  any 
more  than  it  can  judicial  duties.  And  here  let  me  say,  that  if  the 
liberties  of  this  country  are  ever  betrayed,  it  will  be  by  legislative 
assumptions,  and  not  by  judicial  or  executive  tyranny.  In  our  own 
State,  the  Legislature  at  Albany  brings  with  it  dread  and  alarm 
whenever  it  commences.  For  years  the  property  of  individuals  and 
the  rights  of  municipal  corporations^have  been  trampled  upon  in  its 
acts.  Total  disregard  has  been  shown  to  vested  rights,  and  every 
other  safeguard  which  in  former  times  could  procure  protection,  and 
so  bold  has  become  this  innovation,  that  there  is  now  pending  a  bill 
to  overrule  a  recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Indeed,  the 
other  departments  of  Government  have  sunk  into  a  mere  inferior  con 
dition,  from  which  appeal  is  had  to  the  Legislature,  always  with  suc 
cess,  if  the  usual  appliances  are  employed.  The  people  must  watch 
these  encroachments.  It  is  not  only  this  city,  but  every  other  section 
of  the  State  removed  far  from  the  capital,  that  is  subjected  to  this 
wrong.  If  the  city  of  New- York,  within  four  hours  of  Albany,  and 
in  hourly  communication,  suffers  so  much  from  these  legislative  frauds 
how  is  it  with  the  agricultural  and  manufacturing  interests  in  the 
interior,  which  in  some  cases  are  removed  far  from  the  danger,  and 
without  means  to  be  continually  informed  of  its  approach.  This  bill 
names  persons  to  do  executive  duty.  If  this  can  be,  why  not  abolish 
our  courts,  and  name  commissions  as  boards  of  referees  to  act  instead  ? 
Why  not,  in  short,  give  up  all  to  the  two  Houses  of  the  Legislature, 
and  permit  them  to  absorb  the  other  branches  of  government,  which 
by  the  Constitution  are  placed  independent  of  the  law-making  power, 
as  the  law-making  power  is  of  them.  By  reference  to  my  message, 
you  will  see  this  evil  more  fully  exposed. 

These  and  other  reasons  which  time  will  not  permit  a  reference  to, 
will  prevent  my  giving  support  to  tho  Senate  proposition.     I  am 


228  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

against  it  in  all  its  length  and  breadth,  and  though  concurring  in 
some  of  the  provisions  of  the  amendments  to  the  charter  proposed,  I 
would  reject  the  whole  rather  than  appear  to  recognize  the  fatal  prin 
ciples  declared,  affecting  our  police  system. 

In  reply  to  what  is  stated  of  my  political  proclivities,  and  the  asser 
tion  that  I  am  using,  or  intend  to  use,  the  police  for  personal  or  par 
tisan  purposes,  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  allude.  The  position  I  hold 
in  public  estimation  is  not  the  result  of  party  machinery.  As  a 
magistrate  and  chief  executive  officer  of  this  city,  I  know  no  party, 
and  recognize  no  political  obligations.  The  principles  which  govern 
my  administration  are  not  in  keeping  with  the  practices  of  any  party 
of  the  day,  whatever  may  be  their  professions  before  election.  And, 
though  claiming  no  originalityt>f  ideas,  yet  the  practical  application 
of  principles  of  government  so  long  professed,  but  never  practised,  is 
a  novel  procedure  in  a  public  officer,  and  puzzles  the  leaders  wonder 
fully.  Hence  I  am  at  no  loss  to  divine  why  partisan  designs  should 
be  attributed  to  me,  by  men  who  can  not  understand  that  popular 
applause  can  be  obtained  in  any  other  way  than  by  political  trickery, 
or  the  declamations  of  the  demagogue.  I  understand  my  own  posi 
tion  fully.  Without  egotism,  permit  me  to  say  that  I  am  fully  con 
scious  of  a  place  in  public  esteem  far  beyond  and  above  any  party, 
and  to  add  the  belief,  that  if  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  Mayor  to 
morrow,  the  people  would  not  desert  me,  if  every  political  organiza 
tion  in  the  city  were  to  combine  in  opposition.  Therefore,  is  it 
necessary  for  me  to  act  the  part  of  the  mere  politician,  and  by  prosti 
tuting  the  whole  Police  Department  to  political  purposes,  to  jeopard 
this  position  ?  Can  any  party  make  me  so  swerve  from  duty  and  a 
proper  sense  of  personal  security,  as  to  "throw  away  the  good  opinion 
of  nearly  all  my  fellow-citizens  whose  support  is  worth  having  ?  This 
can  never  be !  The  same  principles  and  acts  which  have  given  me 
the  confidence  of  the  community,  will  enable  me  to  hold  it  down  to 
the  close  of  my  administration.  Of  this  I  have  no  fears.  The  danger 
to  the  public  lies  not  in  any  relaxation  or  dereliction  upon  my  part, 
nor  in  my  improper  use  of  the  police,  but  in  the  passage  of  this  bill. 
The  police  has  been  the  main  instrument  by  which  I  have  been  en 
abled  to  perform  the  acts  which  have  secured  public  approval.  Take 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  229 

it  away,  and  the  horrors  of  bad  government  will  return  upon  us  four 
fold,  and  it  will  be  difficult  then  to  combat  the  assertion  which  will 
be  made,  that  as  head  of  the  Department,  (although  stripped  of  the 
power,)  I  have  been  derelict  and  have  deviated  from  the  present  pol 
icy.  Is  it  uncharitable  to  add,  that  some  such  design  may  have  influ 
enced  the  projectors  of  this  scheme  —  that  its  authors  suppose  that 
whilst  the  people  will  continue  to  hold  me  to  a  strict  accountability 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  reforms  initiated  and  sustained,  they  would 
at  the  same  time  forget  that  the  means  by  which  they  have  been  effected 
were  taken  away,  and  thus  demand  a  continuation  of  reform  after  all 
power  of  enforcing  them  had  ceased  ?  This  opinion  of  the  intelligence 
of  the  people,  though  not  very  flattering,  is  consistent  with  the  mo 
tives  which  have  evidently  dictated  this  measure. 

The  warmth  of  expression  of  this  letter  may  offend — my  language 
may  appear  as  if  emanating  from  excitement,  which  is  not  the  fact. 
It  is  true,  I  feel  deeply  these  efforts  to  deprive  me  of  the  means  by 
which  any  improvement  in  our  city  is  effected.  No  man  but  myself 
can  appreciate  the  critical  state  of  our  social  condition,  if  the  author 
ities  are  deprived  of  control  of  the  only  means  of  preventing  dangers 
of  a  far  more  serious  character  than  have  ever  before  threatened  us.  I 
am  no  alarmist,  but  believe  me  sincere  when  I  tell  you  that,  in  my 
opinion,  New-York  can  only  be  saved  from  a  rule  of  corruption 
engendered  by  the  devotees  of  the  three  great  vices,  namely,  intem 
perance,  gaming,  and  debauchery,  but  by  the  strong  one-man  power; 
who,  with  a  bold  and  fearless  hand,  can  command  the  entire  police 
force  without  hindrance  or  molestation./My  many  pressing  duties 
have  not  permitted  me  time  to  do  justice  to  this  subject.  This  letter 
is  hastily  written,  and  full  of  imperfections,  but  without  reference  to 
its  style  or  matter,  receive  it  as  the  honest  protest  of  your  friend  and 
fellow-citizen.  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

P.  S. — In  answer  to  your  request  as  to  the  publication  of  this 
letter,  you  may  do  so,  provided  you  deem  my  views  of  sufficient  pub 
lic  interest.  F.  W. 

To  JAMES  TV.  GERARD,  Esq. 

The  preposterous  Police  bill  was,  as  we  have  seen, 


230  BIOGKAPHY   OF  FEKNANDO   WOOD. 

thrown  out,  but  the  spirit  that  had  given  rise  to  it  was 
still  alive  here,  and  strove  to  work  out,  by  means  of 
small  annoyances,  the  end  which  the  frustrated  bill  had 
in  view. 

Councilmen  wanted  a  list  of  all  detailed  policemen, 
and  a  history  of  their  missions;  Aldermen  desired  a 
report  of  all  police  appointments  since  Mr.  Wood's  elec 
tion.  The  first  he  grants,  notifying  that  eminent  body, . 
however,  that  they  are  interfering  with  what  is  no  busi 
ness  of  theirs  ;  that  they  have  no  right  to  ask,  but  are 
indebted  to  the  information  which  he  gives  them  simply 
to  his  courtesy.  But  to  the  Aldermen  he  says,  that 
they  are  entirely  overstepping  their  limits,  and  that  he 
respectfully,  but  very  positively  declines  to  give  them 
that  information  which  they  have  no  right  to  ask  for. 

"To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Councilmen: 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  inclose  herewith  a  statement  of  '  the 
number  of  detailed  policemen  in  the  city,  together  with 
the  name  of  each  policeman  so  detailed,  the  place  or 
places  at  which  he  is  detailed,  the  nature  of  the  service 
to  be  performed  by  him  at  such  place  or  places,  and  the 
length  of  tune  per  day,  and  what  part  of  the  day  such 
policeman  is  engaged  in  his  duties,'  as  called  for  from 
the  Board  of  Police  Commissioners,  by  a  resolution  of 
the  Common  Council,  emanating  in  your  Board. 

This  information  is  furnished  by  myself,  as  Mayor, 
without  admitting  the -right  of  the  Common  Council  to 
require  it.  It  is  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  Mayor, 
as  head  of  the  Police  Department,  to  detail  policemen 


THE   POLICE   CHAPTER.  231 

without  responsibility  to  any  body,  not  even  to  the  Board 
of  Police  Commissioners  itself. 

By  special  laws  of  the  State,  and  by  the  charter,  the 
organization  and  regulating  of  the  police  force  is  placed 
under  the  management  and  control  of  a  Board  of  Com 
missioners,  consisting  of  the  Mayor,  Kecorder,  and  City 
Judge. 

The  Common  Council  of  this  city  is  given,  by  no  act 
of  the  Legislature,  nor  by  the  charter,  or  any  amend 
ment  to  it,  any  jurisdiction  whatever  over  the  manage 
ment,  direction,  or  personnel  of  this  department. 

Beyond  the  necessary  legislation  required  in  voting 
supplies,  such  as  station-houses,  etc,  it  has  nothing  what 
ever  to  do  with  it.  It  can  not  appoint  the  Commission 
ers,  nor  take  any  part  in  the  appointment,  trial,  or 
removal  of  policemen,  nor  interfere  with  the  rules  and 
regulations  adopted  by  them  for  its  government.  It 
has  no  power  over  this  department  whatever,  so  far  as 
the  direction  and  exercise  of  its  official  duties  are  con 
cerned. 

But  admitting  the  right  of  the  Common  Council  to 
call  for  the  information  asked  in  the  resolution  referred 
to,  it  has  applied  to  the  wrong  officers  ;  the  detailing  of 
policemen  being  a  prerogative  resting  exclusively  in  the 
Mayor,  by  State  law,  the  Board  of  Commissioners,  as 
such,  having  nothing  to  do  with  it  whatever.  The 
Mayor  makes  all  the  detailments,  except  officers  detailed 
by  the  captains,  in  a  few  of  the  wards,  who  act  as  dock- 
masters,  etc. 

The  present  Mayor  recognizes  no  authority  in  the 
Common  Council,  or  in  any  other  quarter,  to  supervise 


232  BIOGKAPHY   OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

his  conduct  in  the  discharge  of  this  duty.  He  will  per 
form  it  for  the  public  benefit,  as  he  understands  it,  with 
out  being  influenced  by  any  action  taken  elsewhere, 
having  for  its  object  an  interference  with  the  course  he 
may  adopt  with  reference  to  it.  The  proper  efficiency 
of  this  corps  is  dependent  upon  discipline,  which  can 
be  obtained  and  maintained  only  by  the  firm  hand  of 
unrestricted  power,  entirely  exempt  from  outside  influ 
ences. 

The  Mayor  desires  to  be  left  unmolested  in  his  exer 
tions  to  improve  this  important  branch  of  the  public 
service,  which  has  been  wisely  placed  entirely  under  him. 
He  is  fully  conscious  of  the  responsibilities  of  the  trust ; 
and  whilst  ever  ready  to  impart  information  to  the  Com 
mon  Council,  which  may  be  required  to  enlighten  it  in 
the  discharge  of  its  legislative  duties,  he  will  also  protect 
the  department,  of  which  he  is  the  head  and  over  which 
by  law  he  has  (with  his  associates)  sole  control,  from 
any  efforts  to  subvert  this  authority,  and  thus  impair 
the  subordination  so  essential  to  the  well-being  of  the 
police  force.  Information  concerning  it  can  not  be  • 
required  by  the  Common  Council  for  the  purpose  of 
legislation,  because  it  has  no  power  to  legislate  at  all  in 
the  premises.  * 

I  have  deemed  it  proper  to  state  frankly  my  position 
on  this  subject,  that  it  may  not  be  misunderstood  or 
misconstrued  in  giving  the  information  now  called  for. 

It  is  not  my  wish  to  refuse  any  inquiry  into  the  mode 
of  conducting  this  department.  The  whole  policy  of 
my  administration  has  been  to  throw  all  the  executive 
offices  open  to  public  scrutiny.  Investigation  can  never 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  233 

prove  injurious  to  a  properly  conducted  public  office, 
though  there  are  many  reasons  why  a  large  police  force, 
governed  by  stringent  rules  affecting  its  discipline,  and 
under  the  control  of  one  head,  should  not  be  subjected 
to  outside  agitating  influences,  foreign  to  its  command, 
and  unacquainted  with'  the  domestic  regime  and  the  con 
solidation  so  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  proper 
submission  to  the  recognized  authority. 

With  this  brief  statement  of  my  views,  as  to  how  far 
the  Common  Council  can  interfere  in  the  administration 
of  the  Police  Department  of  this  city,  without  any  in 
tention  of  treating  your  authority  with  disrespect,  I 
herewith  submit  the  information  called  for." 

And  afterwards,  for  further  information  to  the  Board 
of  Aldermen,  July  12,  he  says : 

"GENTLEMEN:  Your  Board  passed  a  resolution  on 
the  12th  ultimo,  '  that  his  honor  the  Mayor  be,  and  he 
is  hereby  requested  to  furnish,  for  the  information  of 
this  Board*  at  its  next  meeting,  to-morrow  afternoon,  the 
13th  instant,  a  list  of  all  appointments  made  in  the 
Police  Department  since  the  1st  day  of  January  last,  de 
signating  them  by  wards  ;  together  with  the  names  of 
all  policemen  whose  terms  of  office  have  expired  and 
were  not  reappointed,  and  also  the  names  of  all  police 
men  removed,'  which  could  have  been  replied  to  imme 
diately,  but  for  your  adjournment  until  to-day.  I  now 
have  the  honor  to  reply.  It  would  have  been  sufficient 
for  me  to  have  said,  in  response  to  this  resolution,  that 
the  appointments  and  removals  in  the  Police  Department 
are  made  by  the  Board  of  Police  Commissioners,  and  to 


234  BIOGKAPHY   OF  FEBNANDO  WOOD. 

that  body  the  inquiry  should  be  addressed.  But  admit 
ting  that  the  power  to  give  the  information  asked  is  in 
my  hands,  I  respectfully  decline  giving  it,  inasmuch  as 
it  would  appear  to  recognize  the  right  of  the  Common 
Council  to  ask  it.  The  right  to  call  upon  the  several 
executive  departments  for  information,  is  given  by  the 
charter  to  the  Mayor  and  the  Common  Council,  but  no 
authority  is  given  to  either  Board  in  its  separate  capacity, 
or  both  Boards  jointly,  to  call  upon  the  Mayor  for  infor 
mation  respecting  the  department,  of  which,  by  State  law, 
he  is  made  the  sole  and  exclusive  head.  The  object  of 
inquiries  of  this  kind,  and,  indeed,  the  only  ground  upon 
which  they  can  be  maintained,  is  to  procure  information 
for  the  purpose  of  legislation,  and  to  furnish  to  the  law- 
making  power  data  to  enable  it  to  arrive  at  correct  con 
clusions.  When  these  are  its  objects,  it  should  never  be 
withheld,  and  would  not  be  by  me,  even  while  denying 
the  authority  to  require  it. 

In  the  present  instance,  however,  no  such  motive  can 
be  set  up. 

The  inquiry  now.  made  as  to  the  appointment  and  re 
moval  of  policemen,  can  not  be  required  to  subserve  any 
legislative  objects  ;  because  the  Common  Council  have  no 
power  to  legislate  in  the  premises.  It  has  no  jurisdic 
tion  over  the  appointing  and  removing  whatever,  and 
can  take  no  action  which  will  in  the  least  affect  them, 
one  way  or  the  other  ;  therefore,  to  grant  this  informa 
tion  can  serve  no  good  purpose,  whilst  an  admission  of 
the  right  to  ask  it,  which  admits  the  obligation  to  give 
it,  would  be  as  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the  De 
partment  as  it  would  be  a  violation  of  the  charter  and 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  235 

laws,  which  wisely  place  the  police  under  a  Board  of 
Commissioners,  who  are  independent  of  the  Common 
Council  in  all  respects.  The  reasons  for  this  regulation 
are  obvious.  The  police  of  a  city  like  New- York  should 
be  essentially  military  in  its  character  and  discipline ; 
it  should  possess  all  the  elements  of  a  well-disciplined 
corps,  whose  chief  duty  it  is  to  execute  with  alacrity 
and  faithfulness  the  orders  issued  from  head-quarters. 
It  should  be  consolidated — no  one  part  should  be  hostile 
to  the  other.  All  influences  attempting  to  interfere  with 
the  official  regime,  outside  of  the  immediate  command, 
should  be  rejected,  as  much  as  would  be  the  attempt  of 
the  civil  authorities  in  time  of  war  to  direct  the  evolu 
tions  of  an  army.  Military  command  does  not  divide 
its  authority.  However  many  officers  there  may  be, 
each  possessing  commanding  powers,  they  are  exercised 
by  gradation,  no  two  having  coordinate  powers.  There 
is  no  division  of  authority — if  there  were,  there  would 
be  no  efficiency.  Our  police  force  is  founded  upon  this 
principle.  It  is  military  in  its  uniform,  in  its  personnel, 
and  in  its  discipline — in  the  mode  of  issuing  orders — 
of  individual  responsibility,  and  the  nature  of  its  patrol 
duties.  In  the  city's  quiet  and  peace,  each  policeman  is 
a  sentinel,  propdrly  reviewed  and  conducted  by  an  offi 
cer  ;  in  time  of  riot  and  disorder,  it  would  become  an 
army  subject  to  precisely  the  same  tactics,  and  com 
manded  precisely  upon  the  same  military  principles.  No 
outside  power,  created  for  duties  of  an  entirely  opposite 
and  different  character,  should  be  permitted  to  interpose 
itself  between  the  commanding  general  of  this  army  and 
the  army  itself.  It  was  a  wise  provision  that  the  police 


236  BIOGKAPHY   OF  FERNANDO '  WOOD. 

should  be  exempt  from  any  interference  from  the  legis 
lative  branch  of  the  City  Government ;  that  it  should  be 
removed  from  the  partisanism,  contests  and  popular  in 
fluences  which  are  continually  agitating  your  own  and 
'all  other  political  deliberative  bodies  ;  that  there  should 
be  one  branch  of  the  public  service  not  liable  to  de 
moralizing  party  influences,  and  tossed  to  and  fro  upon 
the  wave  of  political  struggles.  "With  the  police  no  sec 
tional,  party  or  personal  interests  should  be  incorporated. 
It  is  not  difficult  to  see  that  in  a  city  like  New- York 
the  most  stringent  government  and  laws  which  the  na 
ture  of  our  institutions  will  permit  are  yet  too  weak  to 
do  the  service  which  may  be  demanded  in  the  preserva 
tion  of  public  order.  At  any  moment  the  city  may  be 
thrown  for  reliance  upon  this  civil  military  organization. 
This  body  may  alone  become  the  stay  and  corrective  of 
popular  violence. 

To  meet  such  a  calamity  no  other  force  should  be 
required.  It  should  always  be  sufficient  to  suppress 
attempts  to  subvert  municipal  authority. .  An  armed  re 
sistance  to  an  unarmed  mob  can  in  no  event  be  necessary 
if  the  police  is  properly  organized,  disciplined  and  com 
manded.  It  is  my  aim  to  do  away  with  the  necessity 
of  shedding  blood  in  the  preservation  of  the  peace  of  the 
city ;  to  bring  the  police  to  a  condition  which  will  enable 
it,  under  my  personal  command,  without  military  assist 
ance,  and  without  taking  life,  to  put  down  whatever 
force  may  be  raised  for  resistance  to  the  law.  I  desire 
to  be  left  alone  in  these  designs,  believing  myself  to  be 
the  best  judge  of  what  is  required,  and  feeling  that  the 
legislative  branch  of  the  Government  should  rather 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER. 


219 


PRESIDENT. 
GEORGE       GUIS  WOLD. 


VICE-PRESIDENTS. 


WM.  B.  ASTOR, 
PETER  LORILLARD, 
WM.  B.  CROSBY, 
THOMAS  SUFFERS, 
CORNELIUS  W.  LAWRENCE, 
HUGH  MAXWELL, 
LUTHER  BRADISH, 
GEORGE  "W.  BLUNT, 
J.  WATSON  WEBB, 
WILSON  G.  HUNT, 
CYRUS  CURTIS, 
WM.  H.  WEBB, 
ROBERT  KELLY, 
WM.  K.  STRONG, 
JONATHAN"  I.  CODDINGTON, 
WM.  W.  EVARTS, 
JAMES  HARPER, 
C.  YANDERBILT, 
CHARLES  O'CONNOR, 
GEN.  CHAS.  W.  SANDFORD, 
JAMES  W.  GERARD, 
DANIEL  LORD, 
JOHN  DELAMATER, 
DANIEL  B.  FEARING, 
ZOPHAR  MILLS, 
J.  W.  ALSOP, 
JONATHAN  STURGES, 
JOHN  J.  PALMER, 
PETER  COOPER, 
ROBERT  B.  MINTURN, 
MOSES  TAYLOR, 


JAMES  LENOX. 
STEPHEN  WHITNEY, 
WILLIAM  KENT, 
WM.  F.  HAVEMEYER, 
AMBROSE  C.  KINGSLAND, 
JACOB  A.  WESTERVELT, 
BENJAMIN*  L.  SWAN, 
JOHN  C.  GREEN, 
HORACE  GREELEY, 
JAMES  W.  BARKER, 
BENJAMIN  F.  BUTLER, 
SHEPHERD  KNAPP, 
ISAAC  NEWTON, 
GERARD  STUYYESANT, 
J.  PHILIPS  PHCENIX, 
SAMUEL  B.  RUGGLES, 
JOHN  L.  MASON, 
WELCOME  R.  BEEBE, 
THOMAS  B.  STILLMAN, 
HENRY  A.  SMYTHE, 
CHARLES  KING, 
GEORGE  J.  CORNELL, 
CHARLES  II.  RUSSEL, 
THOMAS  TILESTON, 
WALTER  R.  JONES, 
EDWIN  HOYT, 
JOHN  A.  STEVENS, 
JAMES  BOORMAN, 
PELATIAH  PERIT, 
JAMES  BROWN,, 
GEORGE  DOUGLASS, 


JAMES  LEE. 


220  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 


SECRETARIES. 

JOHN  L.  ASPINAVALL,  ROBERT  GOODHUE, 

JOSHUA  J.  HENRY,  GEORGE  GRISWOLD,  JR., 

ROBERT  OLYPHAXT. 

And  these  were  their  sentiments : 

Mr.  K.  B.  MINTURN  said  he  was  glad  to  enter  his 
protest  against  any  change  in  the  present  police  system. 
Our  chief  magistrate,  he  said,  has  thus  far  discharged 
his  duty  nobly.  (Applause.)  It  will  be  time  enough 
for  us  to  ask  a  restriction  of  that  power  when  he  abuses 
it.  (Loud  applause.)  The  Mayor  ought  to  be  the  active 
head  of  the  police.  (Enthusiastic  applause.)  Why? 
Because  on  him  is  thrown  the  responsibility  of  execut 
ing  the  laws.  If,  therefore,  you  will  not  give  him 
power  to  execute  the  laws,  how  can  you  call  upon  him 
and  say,  why  does  not  the  Mayor  execute  that  and  that 
ordinance  ?  The  proposed  bill  creates  only  four  commis 
sioners,  but  I  am  told  there  is  already  trouble  in  the 
camp,  for  whenever  a  body  of  men  propose  to  do  wrong 
there  is  always  a  screw  geting  loose.  There  are  so  many 
political  cormorants  who  want  pay,  that  they  have  got  to 
increase  the  commissioners  from  four  to  six,  and  there 
are  now  forty  aspirants  putting  forth  their  claims  to  the 
office  at  $3000  a  year.  This  law  cuts  off  the  Mayor's 
head  by  providing  that  the  commissioners  shall  appoint 
one  of  their  own  number  to  preside  over  them.  Give 
the  Kecorder  and  City  Judge  a  thousand  dollars  a  year 
extra,  and  you  may  depend  they  will  not  find  their 
work  burdensome.  The  Mayor  does  not  find  it  burden 
some  ;  he  works  for  eight  hours  a  day,  and  so  far,  he  has 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  237 

strengthen  my  power  than  weaken  it  by  introducing  a 
belief  in  the  Department  that  there  is  a  higher  authority 
than  mine,  and  a  Court  of  Appeals,  to  which  to  apply 
against  the  subjection  incident  to  the  principle  by  which 
I  command.  These  are  the  motives  which  bring  me  to 
the  determination  to  resist  at  all  hazards  any  interference 
with  the  police  by  any  other  power  whatever.  It  is 
under  my  command,  by  State  laws,  by  action  of  the 
Commissioners,  and  by  public  sentiment,  and  so  long  as 
it  remains,  all  attempts  to  subvert  or  lessen  this  authority 
shall  be  resisted  to  the  end.  It  will  be  for  the  people  to 
decide  whether  I  shall  be  supported  in  thus  upholding 
their  interests,  by  exercising  a  firm,  honest  and  impar 
tial  administration  of  the  Police  Department,  and 
whether  the  improvement  already  manifest  shall  con 
tinue  and  be  sustained  by  the  intelligence  and  virtue  of 
the  community." 

These  men,  so  well  arranged,  are  exposed  to  almost 
every  danger  ;  to  constant  vicissitudes  and  inclemencies 
of  the  climate,  and  to  the  wearing  effects  of  fatigue  and 
incessant  vigilance.  Their  sanitary  condition  is  a  mat 
ter  of  earnest  care  to  their  commander,  and  he  provides 
for  it  on  this  wise.  Says  he,  under  date  July  the  10th : 

"  The  good  sanitary  condition  of  the  police  is  essential 
to  its  efficiency.  Without  health,  policemen  can  not 
properly  discharge  the  required  duty.  The  vigor  of 
body,  by  which  he  is  to  sustain  the  fatigue,  and  which 
generally  imparts  physical  strength  and  courage,  can  not 
be  maintained  without  attention  to  certain  rules  regard- 


238  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

ing  regimen,  cleanliness,  and  temperance,  and  the  pro 
fessional  care  of  experienced  medical  attendants. 

To  preserve  a  healthful  condition  is  a  matter  of  great 
moment,  not  only  to  the  policeman  himself,  but  to  the 
people  of  the  city,  in  whose  service  he  is  enlisted. 
Whether  viewed  as  a  humane  or  as  a  public  economic 
regulation,  attention  to  this  subject  is  of  great  import 
ance.  The  compensation  of  policemen,  though  suffi 
ciently  liberal  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  living, 
is  not  enough  to  provide,  in  addition,  a  pecuniary  inde 
pendence,  preparatory  to  the  bodily  disabilities  incident 
to  old  age.  Therefore,  humanity  dictates  that  every 
precaution  should  be  taken  by  the  authorities  to  preserve 
their  health. 

It  is  due  alike  to  their  faithfulness  as  well  as  to  the 
exposures,  involving  hazard  to  life  and  health,  to  which 
they  are  continually  subjected. 

As  a  question  of  money-saving  to  the  city,  the  proper 
care  of  the  health  of  policemen  is  also  of  moment.  The 
expense  of  the  whole  Department  is  not  far  from  one 
million  dollars  per  annum,  nearly  all  of  which  is  for  pay 
alone.  Heretofore  the  average  number  of  sick  and  dis 
abled  has  been  about  fifty  per  day,  out  of  a  force  of 
about  eleven  hundred,  being  one  in  twenty-two.  This 
proportion  is  too  large.  There  can  be  no  other  reason 
for  it  than  non-attention  to  sanitary  requirements. 
Every  man  is  selected  with  care,  as  to  the  soundness  of 
his  constitution  and  exemption  from  physical  defects, 
and  is  to  be  presumed  enters  the  corps  free  from  ten 
dency  to  disease.  The  interest  of  the  Department  is  to 
preserve  this  condition.  The  difficulty  of  discriminating 


THE   POLICE   CHAPTEE.  239 

between  disease  which  is  the  result  of  exposure,  whilst 
on  active  duty,  and  inherent  or  pulmonary  affections,  is 
very  great,  and  it  often  occurs  that  services  of  patrolmen 
are  lost  for  months,  though  they  are  in  receipt  of  pay 
for  the  whole  period.  By  law  the  number  is  limited. 
If  sick  or  disabled,  substitutes  are  not  permitted,  and 
thus  the  force  is  weakened,  though  the  pay  is  seldom 
lessened.  Hence  attention  to  the  healthful  state  of  all 
connected  with  the  Department  is  demanded  by  reasons 
of  economy,  as  well  as  by  what  is  due  to  the  officer  him 
self  on  philanthropic  grounds. 

With  these  views,  I  have  carefully  devised  a  plan, 
having  for  its  object  an  improvement  in  the  sanitary 
condition  of  the  whole  Department,  appertaining  to  the 
care  of  the  station-houses,  as  it  regards  ventilation,  clean 
liness  of  the  rooms  and  sleeping  apartments  ;  furnishing 
a  sufficient  supply  at  all  times  of  medicines,  surgical 
instruments,  tourniquets,  lints,  etc. ;  an  immediate  at 
tention  to  all  invalids,  whether  becoming  sick  in  the 
discharge  of  duty  or  not,  and  constant  medical  treatment 
until  recovered  and  fit  for  duty ;  the  whole  to  be  under 
the  charge  of  intelligent,  experienced  practitioners,  with 
out  any  expense  to  the  police  whatever. 

I  propose  to  divide  the  whole  Department  into  seven 
surgical  districts,  each  district  to  be  under  the  charge  of 
a  resident  physician.  There  shall  be  a  surgeon-general, 
whose  station  shall  be  at  the  office  of  the  Chief  of  Po 
lice,  and  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  be  at  that  office  every 
day,  at  such  hours  as  may  be  thought  necessary  by  the 
Mayor,  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  and  acting  upon 
reports  from  the  district  surgeons,  and  for  the  purpose 


240  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

of  receiving  and  giving  such  directions  with  reference  to 
the  general  government  of  the  medical  department,  as 
may  be  necessary. 

He  shall  have  full  supervision  of  the  whole  Depart 
ment,  so  far  as  the  health  and  sanitary  condition  of  the 
officers  and  men  are  concerned. 

He  shall  make  written  reports  to  the  Mayor  at  least 
once  in  each  month,  and  perform  such  other  duties 
connected  with  his  department  of  the  Police  as  may  be 
required. 

The  city  shall  be  divided  into  seven  surgical  districts, 
as  follows : 

District  L— 1,  2,  3,  4,  Police  Districts. 
"      II.— 5,  6,  8,  14,  " 

"    III.— 7,  10,  11, 
«    IV.— 13,  15,  17, 
"      Y.— 9,  16,  20,  " 

"    VL— 18,  19,  21,  " 

"  YIL— 12,  22, 

Each  surgical  district  shall  have  appointed  to  it  one 
surgeon,  who  shall  reside  in  one  of  the  police  districts 
comprehended  within  his  surgical  district. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  district  surgeons  to  visit 
each  station-house  within  his  district,  at  least  once  in 
every  forty-eight  hours,  to  examine  into  its  condition  as 
to  cleanliness,  ventilation,  and  the  state  of  the  medicine- 
chest,  and  to  ascertain  that  every  article  hereinafter 
named  as  being  required,  shall  be  supplied,  (which  shall 
be  done  by  a  requisition  on  the  surgeon-general,)  and 
see  that  they  are  fit  for  use.  It  shall  be  his  duty  to 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  241 

visit  at  his  residence  every  member  of  the  Department 
within  his  district,  who  is  reported  as  being  unable  to 
perform  duty,  in  consequence  of  physical  inability  or 
sickness;  to  report  to  the  surgeon-general,  on  or  in 
every  forty-eight  hours,  the  specific  nature  of  the  mala 
dy,  whether  medicinal  or  surgical,  the  probabilities  of  its 
having  been  contracted  in  actual  service,  and  whether 
in  his  judgment  the  disability  is  of  sufficient  magnitude 
to  exempt  the  patient  from  duty,  and  to  report  the  name 
and  numbers  of  the  sick,  the  convalescent,  and  the  dis 
charged.  It  shall  be  his  duty  to  attend  and  treat  pro 
fessionally  every  member  of  the  Department,  when  sick 
or  unable  to  perform  duty,  without  receiving  any  com 
pensation  from  or  making  charge  to  the  said  invalid. 
This  attention  shall  be  constant  until  the  recovery  of 
the  patient,  without  reference  to  the  character  of  the  dis 
ease,  or  how  contracted;  to  be  diligent  in  protecting  the 
Department  from  simulated  sickness,  and  in  no  case  to 
report  any  as  having  acquired  the  disability  in  the 
course  of  duty,  without  conclusive  proof  of  the  fact; 
and  to  examine  into  and  report  all  cases  where  it  is  sup 
posed  intemperate  habits,  or  the  use  of  stimulating 
drinks,  or  other  vices,  are  a  cause  of  disease.  He  shall 
also  examine  all  applicants  for  appointment  residing 
within  his  district,  after  they  shall  have  passed  the  ex- 
mination  and  approval  of  the  Commissioners.  These 
shall  be  referred  to  him  immediately  after  the  action  of 
the  Commissioners,  by  the  Chief  of  Police.  These  ex 
aminations  shall  be  careful  and  critical,  and  the  result 
be  reported  promptly  in  writing  to  the  surgeon-general. 
The  surgeon-general  shall  then  review  the  examination, 
11 


242  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

and  if  he  approve,  it  shall  be  final,  whether  the  appli 
cant  be  rejected  or  approved  by  the  surgeon-general.  If 
hb  do  not  approve,  the  Mayor  shall  determine  the  result, 
through  outside  examination  by  eminent  members  of  the 
medical  profession. 

There  will  be  provided  in  every  station-house,  so  far 
as  practicable,  a  room  in  which  to  place  persons  injured 
by  accident  or  otherwise,  and  there  will  be  provided 
medicine-chests,  with  such  medicines  and  common  sur 
gical  instruments  and  appliances  as  are  usually  required ; 
also  sedan-chairs,  tourniquets,  lint,  bandages,  splints, 
etc.,  etc. 

In  cases  of  injury  to  persons  brought  to  the  station- 
house,  or  to  prisoners  requiring  immediate  attention, 
the  captains,  or  other  officers  in  charge,  shall  notify  the 
district  surgeon,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  attend  forth 
with,  for  which  he  shall  be  entitled  to  extra  compensa 
tion." 

Finally,  in  his  grand  review  of  the  whole  force  on 
May  the  26th,  he  sums  up  all  that  he  desires  to  say  or 
that  he  expects  in  this  way : 

"  OFFICERS  AND  MEN  :  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  meet 
you  to-day.  It  is  the  first  time  I  have  had  an  opportu 
nity  to  see  so  large  a  portion  of  the  whole  corps  in  a 
body,  and  indeed  it  is  the  first  time  you  have  been  so 
called  together.  This  occasion  must  be  as  gratifying  to 
yourselves,  as  I  can  assure  you  it  is  to  me.  In  common 
with  the  many  distinguished  persons  present,  I  have 
been  highly  pleased  with  your  ofnce,r-like  and  gentle 
manly  appearance,  with  your  good  condition,  your  ex- 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER  243 

cellent  drill,  and  the  general  correctness  with  which  you 
have  performed  the  exercises  of  the  Department. 

Gentlemen :  I  take  a  deep  interest  in  the  way  in  which 
your  official  duties  are  discharged,  nor  am  I  unmindful 
of  what  is  due  to  your  personal  welfare.  To  enable  you 
to  act  your  part  with  fidelity,  it  is  indispensable,  that 
you  fully  appreciate  the  many  advantages  of  your  posi 
tion  and  be  conscious  of  what  is  done  for  you  by  the 
authorities. 

You  draw  from  the  City  Treasury  as  pay,  in  the  ag 
gregate  nearly  one  million  of  dollars  per  annum,  besides 
what  is  given  by  individuals  as  presents,  which  last 
year  amounted,  according  to  the  books  in  the  Mayor's 
office,  to  about  $15,000,  and,  so  far  this  year  to  about 
$4000,  not  including  many  valuable  presents,  not  to  be 
estimated  by  money. 

There  is  no  class  of  operatives  or  tradesmen  so  well 
paid.  You  are  compensated  for  every  day  in  the  year, 
rain  or  shine,  duty  or  no  duty,  present  or  absent,  the 
only  exception  being  absence  at  your,  own  request  to  be 
without  pay,  or  sickness  not  caused  by  the  discharge  of 
duty.  And  again,  the  duration  of  your  office  adds 
much  to  its  pecuniary  value.  It  is  during  goed  be 
havior,  or,  in  other  words,  for  life,  if  you  behave 
yourselves.  What  other  situation,  or  what  other  public 
officer,  even  to  the  highest  posts  of  trust  and  honor,  that 
have  the  same  security  against  want,  or  the  destitution 
of  old  age?  "With  myself,  though  your  commanding 
officer,  a  few  months  will  see  my  place  filled  by  another, 
who  in  turn  will  be  replaced  by  some  one  else ;  and  as  to 
pecuniary  compensation,  with  a  salary  which  falls  far 


244  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

short  of  the  absolute  indispensable  outlays,  consequent 
upon  the  office  itself,  without  reference  to  living  ex 
penses  at  all. 

Again,  your  pay  is  certain.  No  employer  runs  off 
cheating  you  out  of  your  wages,  or  making  deductions 
for  bad  work,  or  pays  you  in  uncurrent  money,  liable 
to  heavy  discounts,  or  fails  to  pay  surely  and  promptly 
on  the  promised  day.  Those  of  you  whose  previous 
avocations  have  been  of  a  nature  to  force  you  to  rely 
upon  wages  or  salaries,  will  not  fail  to  appreciate  this 
difference  in  your  paymaster. 

If  vigilant,  and  attentive  to  duty,  there  is  the  pros 
pect  of  promotion.  The  highest  posts  in  the  Depart 
ment  are  not  closed  against  you ;  but  upon  the  contrary, 
merit  is  the  key  that  will  force  them  open.  Many  of 
the  most  valued  officers  in  the  service,  entered  it  in  the 
humblest  position,  and  have  won  their  advancement  by 
good  conduct  alone. 

Again,  the  attention  paid  to  your  sanitary  condition  is 
of  great  value.  Your  station-houses  are  well  ventilated. 
Your  sleeping  apartments  cleanly  and  well  cared  for, 
baths  are  provided,  doctors  and  surgeons  gratuitously 
furnistied,  and  every  attention  given  to  your  physical 
well-being  and  continued  health  and  longevity.  If  sick, 
a  physician  visits  you,  with  the  best  medical  attention, 
and  without  expense.  In  the  army  or  navy  a  deduction 
is  made  from  the  pay  of  the  men,  to  defray  the  expense 
of  this  department  of  the  service.  There  is  a  fund 
made  up  by  deductions  from  the  poor  pittance  they  re 
ceive,  which  is  devoted  to  the  erection  of  hospitals,  sup 
plying  medical  stores,  surgical  instruments,  and  other 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  245 

material.  This  is  not  your  case.  The  city  famishes 
most  of  these  gratuitously  to  you.  It  may  not  be  out 
of  place  for  me  to  add,  in  connection  with  this  point, 
that  I  have  designs  with  reference  to  the  better  protec 
tion  of  your  physical  and  pecuniary  condition,  which  in 
due  time  shall  be  developed,  and  which  will  convince 
you  that  I  am  not  your  enemy  or  indifferent  to  your 
welfare.  The  subject  has  engaged  much  of  my  atten 
tion  and  reflection,  and  I  think  I  can  say  with  truth, 
that  propositions  will  be  made  by  me,  not  only  to  you 
for  your  adoption,  but  to  the  liberal  and  philanthropic 
citizens  of  New- York,  which,  if  approved,  will  add  to  the 
value  of  your  offices,  by  fully  protecting  you  against  the 
deprivations  and  want  incident  to  poverty  and  old  age. 
But  some  complain  of  hard  duty,  and  many  kind- 
hearted  citizens  think,  that,  under  my  administration, 
onerous  and  severe  exactions  are  made.  Let  us  see  if 
this  be  so.  You  have  every  other  day  off  duty  from 
sunrise  to  sunset,  which  is  your  own  time,  to  do  with  as 
you  please,  liable  only  to  duty  in  case  of  an  extreme 
emergency,  which  seldom  arises;  and  when  on  duty, 
your  labor  is  exercise  in  the  open  air,  walking  abroad 
in  noble  manhood,  breathing  the  free  and  healthful  at 
mosphere  which  God  has  given  to  us  for  sustenance,  and 
not  imprisoned  in  the  workshop  or  bending  over  the 
work-bench,  like  the  toiling  thousands  of  this  metropo 
lis,  less  favored  than  yourselves.  Contrast  this  invigor 
ating,  healthful,  and  manly  avocation  with  the  operative 
of  any  class,  and  you  must  agree  with  me,  that  yours  is 
far  superior,  whether  viewed  as  a  profitable,  a  moral,  or 
a  physical  condition. 


246  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FEKJSTANDO  WOOD. 

Again,  the  uniform  is  complained  of,  and  said  to  be 
by  some  a  badge  of  degradation  and  servitude.  How  er 
roneous  is  this  impression.  What !  a  badge  of  servitude, 
which  is  really  an  emblem  of  trust  and  honor !  A  mark 
of  degradation,  to  carry  upon  your  person  an  official  in 
signia,  denoting  that  you  have  been  selected  by  the 
Mayor,  the  Eecorder,  and  the  City  Judge,  (the  three 
highest  criminal  officers  known  to  our  laws,)  as  worthy 
to  be  intrusted  with  delicate  and  important  duties  and 
prerogatives,  involving  the  care  of  the  life,  liberty,  and 
property  of  the  citizen  ?  No  sane  mind  can  so  construe 
it,  and  believe  me,  fellow-officers,  when  I  tell  you  that 
the  man  who  can  perpetrate  such  an  absurd  theory,  is  a 
dangerous  companion,  who  should  be  avoided  as  your 
enemy.  There  is  no  degradation  in  the  uniform  of  a 
policeman,  more  than  there  is  in  the  epaulette  of  an  offi 
cer  in  the  regular  army ;  no  greater  badge  of  servitude 
in  the  star,  than  there  is  in  the  button,  so  highly  prized 
by  the  navy.  The  degradation  is  not  in  the  uniform  • 
it  is  in  a  disregard  of  duty  by  him  who  wears  it.  The 
policeman  more  frequently  disgraces  the  uniform,  than 
the  uniform  does  the  policeman.  It  is  a  badge  of  degra 
dation  only  when  made  so  by  the  misconduct  of  the 
wearer.  As  the  uniform  of  a  military  officer  is  sullied 
by  cowardice  or  treachery,  so  can  yours  be  only  by  con 
duct  unbecoming  a  policeman  and  disgraceful  to  your 
position  as  such. 

No  member  of  society  has  a  better  opportunity  to  dis 
tinguish  himself,  or  to  deserve  well  of  his  fellow-citizens 
than  yourselves.  The  line  of  duty  is  plain,  simple,  well 
defined,  and  easy  of  performance.  I  have  no  desire  to 


THE  POLICE  CHAPTER.  247 

exact  too  severe  labor.  I  ask  no  man  connected  with 
the  corps  to  devote  half  as  as  many  hours  to  its  service, 
as  I  do  myself;  and  whilst  I  am  ready  to  demand  atten 
tion  and  obedience  to  orders,  I  am  also  willing  to  recog 
nize  and  reward  meritorious  services.  The  only  road  to 
the  good  opinion  of  the  Head  of  the  Department  and  of 
the  public,  is  faithful  and  vigilant  discharge  of  the  trusts 
confided;  this  is  all  that  is  desired,  and  is  within  the 
power  of  every  man  to  give.  When  you  assumed  the 
office,  it  was  with  full  knowledge  of  this  obligation.  If 
these  duties  are  too  severe,  you  should  not  have  under 
taken  their  fulfillment.  If  they  are  too  onerous  and  ex 
acting,  you  should  not  have  agreed  to  perform  them. 
If  they  appeared  to  deprive  you  of  personal  rights,  you 
should  have  so  stated,  and  declined  the  compacts  entered 
into.  Your  position  as  a  member  of  the  police  is  the 
result  of  an  agreement  between  yourself  and  the  author 
ities,  voluntarily  made  by  you,  in  which  you  agree  to 
give  up  certain  personal  privileges  and  rights  to  serve 
the  public,  as  a  custodian  of  their  interests.  You  were 
not  forced  to  take  the  post,  and  are  not  now  forced  to 
retain  it ;  but  so  long  as  you  do  retain  it,  and  draw  from 
the  Treasury  its  compensation,  it  is  my  duty  to  exact 
the  fulfillment  of  the  contract  upon  your  part,  or  endea 
vor  to  fill  your  place  by  those  who  will. 

Every  public  officer  yields  up  personal  rights.  No 
man  can  assume  office,  whether  high  or  low,  without 
giving  up  something  to  the  public,  if  he  does  his  duty. 
I  am  simply  the  agent  of  the  people  in  the  surveillance 
exercised  over  your  conduct.  My  position,  in  relation 
to  yours,  is  like  that  of  the  head  of  an  army  actually  in 


248  BIOGRAPHY   OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

battle ;  for  we  are  always  on  duty,  always  in  an  engage 
ment,  our  campaign  against  the  enemy  is  always  com 
mencing,  always  continuing,  and  never  ending.  It  is  a 
continuous  fight  against  the  crime  and  the  wrong-doing 
of  the  vicious  of  this  community.  Eternal  vigilance  is 
the  essential  requisite  of  a  policeman's  duty ;  and  as  he 
relaxes,  so  does  he  depart  fron%  what  shall  be  required 
of  him,  so  long  as  I  hold  the  position  of  Commanding 
General. 

In  conclusion,  I  can  not  do  better  than  to  call  your 
attention  to  the  prefatory  remarks  to  the  Eules  and  Ke- 
gulations  of  the  Department,  which  comprehend  what 
really  constitutes  your  duties  and  the  theory  of  the 
Police  Department  as  now  organized. 

The  confidence  placed  in  the  Department  and  its 
members,  and  their  consequent  responsibility,  are  ex 
treme  ;  their  duties  and  powers,  such  as  demand  special 
and  peculiar  qualifications  in  those  who  compose  the 
force.  It  is  difficult  to  specify  each  and  every  of  these 
duties  and  powers,  although  rules  and  laws  may  be, 
and  are  made  to  comprehend  them ;  or  to  designate 
with  precision  the  manner  in  which  these  powers  shall 
be  applied,  and  these  duties  performed,  in  each  and 
every  case  that  may  arise. 

A  policeman's  duty  includes  careful  attention  in  its 
performance,  careful  industry  to  acquire  an  intelligent 
and  correct  sense  of  it,  care  of  bodily  health,  good  habits, 
habits 'of  neatness  and  cleanliness,  propriety  of  behavior, 
of  dress  and  address.  It  includes  a  full  command  of 
himself,  and  of  his  temper,  passions,  and  infirmities,  for 
bearance  -under  provocation,  kindness,  modesty,  and 


THE  POLICE   CHAPTEE.  249 

civility  of  deportment,  the  avoidance  of  harshness,  ill 
temper,  or  bad  language,  and  the  example  of  orderly 
and  moral  conversation  .and  behavior.  It  includes  obe 
dience  to  all  lawful  orders,  respect  for  the  officers  and 
fellow  members  of  the  Department,  and  unwavering 
fidelity,  integrity,  and  truth. 

In  action  he  should  be  firm,  fearless,  calm,  and  intre 
pid,  discriminating,  discreet,  and  judicious,  employing 
resolutely  all  the  force  that  is  necessary,  and  prompt  in 
its  application,  yet  employing  it  with  decision,  wisdom, 
and  skill,  and  only  to  the  extent  required ;  unyielding, 
though  quiet  and  energetic  in  the  performance  of  his 
task.  In  case  of  emergency  and  where  personal  conflict 
is  inevitable,  he  must  be  brave  without  rashness,  cour 
ageous  and  persevering  without  needless  temerity,  and 
employ  that  degree  of  judgment  which  denotes  chastened 
and  invincible  valor. 

On  post  he  should  be  ever  vigilant,  active,  and  in 
motion,  avoiding  all  habits  of  listlessness,  of  lounging  or 
idle  conversation,  and  every  thing  by  which  his  inces 
sant  attention  to  his  duty  may  even  for  a  moment  be 
impaired ;  and  when  on  duty  he  is  a  sentinel,  whose 
whole  mind  and  abilities  should  be  directed  to  the  task 
imposed  on  him. 

When  on  duty,  the  emblems  now  prescribed  for  both 
officers  and  men  will  be  expected  to  be  worn  without 
any  exception,  and  that  they  will  be  kept  neat  and  be 
comingly  fitted  to  the  person ;  for  the  taste  a,nd  tidiness 
with  which  a  policeman  attires  himself  is  a  material 
accessory  to  the  esteem  and  respect  in  which  he  is  held 
by  the  public. 


250  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNAOTO  WOOD. 

The  officers  of  the  Department  are  all  emphatically 
enjoined,  not  only  to  accomplish  themselves  in  a  full 
knowledge  of  their  duties,  and  of  the  rules  and  laws 
which  relate  to  them,  but  by  every  proper  means  in  their 
power  to  instruct  those  under  their  command  in  their 
respective  duties. 

A  correct  and  exemplary  moral  conduct  and  efficient 
performance  of  duty,  on  the  part  of  the  respective  mem 
bers  of  the  force,  will  not  only  justify  the  confidence  re 
posed  in  it  by  the  public,  but  must  elevate  the  Depart 
ment  to  the  highest  degree  of  respectability. 

And  now,  gentlemen,  I  must  repeat  the  expression  of 
my  gratification  with  the  proceedings  of  this  day.  It  has 
been  no  empty  pageant — -no  holiday,  in  which  to  show 
you  to  the  crowds  of  citizens  here  assembled.  Its  de 
signs  were  to  give  me  an  opportunity  to  inspect  your 
appearance — to  observe  your  improvement  in  the  drill 
exercise,  and  to  see  and  converse  with  you  on  the  im 
portant  subject  of  your  duties. 

I  have  no  doubt  the  result  will  be  advantageous  to 
you,  as  it  is  most  agreeable  to  me.  I  take  my  leave  with 
an  increased  admiration  for  you  as  an  efficient  protective 
corps,  and  with  a  confident  belief  that  if  ever  your  entire 
force  shall  be  required  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace, 
it  will  be  found  entirely  able  to  meet  and  overwhelm 
any  antagonistic  body,  however  great  in  number  or  des 
perate  in  character."  • 

Now,  the  result  of  all  this  has  been  the  formation  of  a 
body  of  some  thousand  men  ;  chosen  men,  well  equipped, 
well  disciplined,  well  drilled.  The  city  is  free  from 


THE   POLICE  CHAPTER.  251 

riots ;  the  calendar  of  crime  decreased ;  accidents  now 
occur  once  a  week  where  before  they  happened  a  dozen 
times  a  day ;  and  instead  of  a  lounging,  slouching  con 
stable,  you  find  a  well-dressed,  soldierly-looking  man ; 
kind,  gentle,  civil,  and  yet  thoroughly  effective.  And 
this  work  is  Mayor  Wood's  alone. 

No  regiment  is  composed  of  angels.  There  are  bad 
men  still  in  the  police  force.  Let  the  pessimists  quote 
and  gloat. 


CHAPTEB     XIV. 

WHAT     "WE     SHALL     LEGALLY    HAVE    TO    DRINK. 

THEKE  is,  we  presume,  but  one  opinion  in  the  world 
about  the  vice  of  intemperance,  and  the  horrid  evils 
which  it  produces.  All  men,  drunkards  included,  shud 
der  when  they  think  of  the  ruin  of  health,  life,  intellect, 
fortune,  traceable  to  this  debasing  vice.  To  destroy  it 
is  the  desire  of  all,  or  nearly  all ;  for  temperance  above 
all  other  virtues  is  admired — temperance  in  all  things. 

On  account  of  the  public  ills  arising  from  drunken 
ness — breaches  of  pea,ce,  murders,  pauperism,  fires,  etc. 
—governments  have  been  obliged  to  give  their  attention 
to  this  question,  and  to  make  laws  calculated  to  lessen 
the  amount  of  intoxication,  if  not  to  do  away  with  it 
altogether.  The  drunkard  openly  reeling  through  the 
streets  has  always  been  held  a  fair  subject  for  arrest,  and 
it  is  questioned  nowadays  whether  that  is  not  the  limit 
of  legislative  power.  Some  go  for  more,  saying  that 
legislatures  may  have  power  to  declare  not  only,  "  Thou 
shalt  not  be  publicly  drunken,"  but  this  also  and  abso 
lutely,  "  Thou  shalt  not  drink." 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  inspired  men  who  sate  in  the 
House  and  Senate  Chamber  at  Albany,  in  the  year  of 


WHAT  WE  SHALL  LEGALLY   DRINK.  253 

our  Lord?  1855,  being  greatly  moved  by  the  excess  of 
drunkenness  in  this  Empire  State,  created  and  passed  a 
law  entitled,  "An  Act  for  the  Prevention  of  Intemper 
ance,  Pauperism,  and  Crime,"  all  of  which  excellent 
results  were  to  be  obtained  by  total  prohibition  of  all 
beverages  but  Croton  and  ginger-beer. 

Then  there  arose  men  who  said :  "  "We  will  not  obey 
this  law ; "  some  of  them  using  expletives  and  quasi- 
profane  language,  in  their  utterance  of  that  disobedient 
resolve.  Well,  so  far  as  New- York  was  concerned,  the 
favorers  of  the  law  looked  to  the  Chief  Executive  to 
enforce  and  compulse  obedience  to  its  dictates,  clamored 
to  him  about  it,  called  on  him  by  endearing  and  other 
epithets  to  come  up  to  their  help  against  the  evil  dealers  in 
wine,  cider,  and  gin.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Coleman 
of  the  Astor  House  asked  His  Honor  what  course  was  to 
be  taken  in  the  matter ;  whether  existing  city  laws  were 
not  severe  enough  without  such  a  thorough  whirlwind, 
offsweeping  all  things  potable,  and  the  reply,  under 
date  of  January  24th,  exhibited  these  views : 

"This  evil  in  our  midst,"  says  Mayor  Wood,  "  appears 
to  me  to  result  rather  from  the  non-execution  of  present 
laws,  than  from  the  character  of  the  laws  themselves. 
It  is  a  popular  error  to  mistake  feeble  administrative 
enforcements  for  defects  in  the  statutes.  This  mistake 
has  been  productive  of  continual  and  never-ending  legis 
lation  upon  all  subjects,  until  the  books  are  so  full  of 
laws,  that  none  but  the  most  astute  and  studious  lawyers 
can  tell  what  is  and  what  is  not  law.  I  regret  that  it  is 
impossible  for  me  at  this  time,  to  go  at  length  into  the 


254  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

subject  of  the  suppression  of  intemperance,  and  the  pro 
per  mode  to  effect  it,  as  your  letter  calls  for.  I  can  say, 
however,  with  truth,  that  the  reform  effected  by  me  in 
the  Sabbath  dram-drinking,  has  not  been  by  coercion. 
Until  yesterday,  no  licenses  have  been  revoked  through  my 
orders,  no  arrests  have  been  made,  no  penalty  or  punish 
ment  inflicted ;  and  yet  out  of  nearly  six  thousand  licenses, 
the  number  of  places  open  for  the  sale  of  liquor  has  been 
reduced  from  two  thousand  three  hundred  before  the 
commencement  of  my  administration,  to  twenty-six  last 
Sunday." 

But  the  act  having  once  fairly  passed,  it  became  his 
duty  to  state  to  the  people  of  the  city  wherein  his  duty 
lay,  and  what  he,  for  his  part,  intended  to  do  in  this 
matter.  This  he  did  in  the  two  following 

PROCLAMATIONS: 

The  Legislature  of  this  State  having  passed  an  act  entitled,  "An 
Act  for  the  Suppression  of  Intemperance,  Pauperism,  and  Crime," 
known  as  the  Prohibitory  Liquor  Law,  and  as  my  position  with  refer 
ence  to  its  enforcement  in  this  city,  so  far  as  that  duty  may  devolve 
upon  my  office,  should  be  declared  at  an  early  day,  to  leave  no  doubt 
as  to  its  character,  I  hereby  present,  for  public  consideration,  the 
principles  which  control  my  conduct  as  a  public  officer,  alike  applica 
ble  to  matters  of  great  or  small  import. 

That  the  people  govern  —  not  in  their  primary  capacity,  but 
through  representatives  freely  and  fairly  chosen — is  the  theory  of 
American  government.  The  people  are  the  source  of  political 
power.  They  make  the  laws  ;  and  the  great  safep-  ^arc!  of  Ameri 
can  liberty  is  general  compliance.  As  the  statute:  hus  created 
for  the  better  protection  of  life  and  property,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,  are  but  the  reflection  of  the  popular  will  for  the  time 


WHAT  WE  SHALL  LEGALLY  DEINK.  255 

being,  so  are  they  binding  upon  the  body  politic  —  the  miuority 
as  well  as  the  majority — who  are  alike  parties  to  the  compact,  the 
obligations  of  which  it  is  dishonorable  to  disregard.  And  though 
these  elements  of  self-government  present  the  distinguishing  features 
between  our  own  and  the  governments  of  Europe,  still  our  success 
has  been  owing  more  to  acquiescence  in  the  will  of  the  majority  than 
in  the  character  of  the  government  itself. 

Other  republics  have  failed,  even  when  founded  upon  our  forms 
and  constitution,  only  because  of  the  resistance  of  the  vanquished 
contestants  for  rule,  by  rebellion  against  the  laws  and  the  executive 
power  appointed  to  enforce  them.  TVe  understand  Republicanism 
differently,  and  hence  have  no  such  struggles.  The  generally  pervad 
ing  common-school  educational  system  —  the  rigid  principle  of  obe 
dience  instilled  into  the  child  by  the  parent,  and  the  scholar  by  the 
teacher — the  enlarged  human  progress,  leading  onward  to  the  expan 
sion  of  the  heart  and  intellect,  all  founded  upon  an  enlightened,  un- 
proscriptive,  religious  sentiment,  furnish  the  platform  upon  which 
American  liberty  stands,  and  from  which  no  calamity,  save  forcible 
resistance  to  the  laws,  can  ever  remove  it. 

It  is  not  contended  that  minorities  have  not  grievances,  and 
that  their  grievances  must  remain  unredressed.  Their  rights  are 
fully  protected.  The  same  fundamental  law  that  binds  minorities 
to  submit,  points  out  clearly  the  road  to  relief  against  an  illegal 
or  improper  exercise  of  authority  upon  the  part  of  the  majority. 
Even  whenever  fanaticism  rules  the  hour  and  covers  the  country  with 
its  baneful  influence,  to  the  exclusion  of  reason  and  justice,  public 
opinion  will  soon  correct  the  error,  and  restore  the  calm  sense  of 
mature  conservative  judgment.  What  if  the  law-maker  proves  recre 
ant,  and  betrays  the  constituent  he  was  chosen  to  represent  ?  The 
wrong  inflicted  is  not  irremediable,  though  it  may  be  a  proper  chas 
tisement  for  a  negligent  or  corrupt  use  of  the  franchise.  Time  repairs 
all  the  errors  of  legislation.  Its  evils  and  wrongs,  however  great, 
invariably  recoil  before  public  opinion  and  the  decisions  of  the  courts. 
Redress  and  relief  can  thus  always  be  obtained.  The  legal  tribunals 
and  the  ballot-box  are  never  approached  in  vain  for  the  maintenance 
of  a  good,  or  the  overthrow  of  a  bad  cause.  These  are  the  only  con 
stitutional  resorts — all  others  are  treason  or  rebellion. 


256  BIOGBAPHY  OP  FEKNANDO  WOOD, 

Another  marked  characteristic  of  the  American  people  is  the  uni 
versal  submission  to  the  governmental  forms  restricting  the  powers 
and  duties  of  the  three  components  of  government,  namely,  the  Legis 
lative,  the  Judicial,  and  the  Executive.  The  first  can  only  make  the 
laws,  the  second  can  only  expound  them,  and  the  third  has  no  discre 
tion  but  to  see  them  faithfully  executed.  It  is  my  province  to  act  as 
agent  for  the  people  in  one  of  these  departments.  I  am  an  executive 
officer.  I  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  have  sworn  to  do  so 
"to  the  best  of  my  ability."  With  no  part  or  responsibility  in  their 
creation,  so  far  as  State  legislation  is  concerned,  I  have  no  option 
but  compliance,  as  an  instrument  for  their  enforcement,  and  to  require 
a  compliance  in  others,  as  far  as  I  have  the  ability.  It  is  my  duty 
to  exact  obedience,  and  yours  to  obey.  The  officer  of  the  law  is  not 
accountable  for  the  making  of  the  law  ;  he  is  bound  to  execute  it, 
pursuant  to  his  oath  of  office,  though  the  responsibility  of  the  people, 
as  the  source  of  all  political  power,  can  not  be  so  easily  denied.  As 
Mayor,  I  have  endeavored  to  fulfill  this  duty.  Though  sometimes 
painful,  yet  it  has  been  performed  diligently  and  impartially.  1  hope 
to  continue  without  relaxation.  The  act  relating  to  the  prohibition 
of  the  liquor  traffic  and  consumption  is  now  a  law,  holding  the  same 
position  as  any  other  law,  and,  until  decided  invalid  by  the  courts, 
or  amended  or  repealed  by  the  Legislature,  should  command  the 
same  obedience.  So  far  as  its  execution  depends  upon  me,  I  have  no 
discretion  but  to  exercise  all  my  power  to  enforce  it.  It  is  unneces 
sary  for  me  to  express  an  opinion  in  regard  to  legislation  of  this  cha 
racter,  or  of  this  law  ;  for  whatever  that  opinion  may  be,  I  can  not, 
•without  dishonor,  shrink  from  a  faithful  discharge  of  the  trust  con 
fided,  whatever  shall  be  the  personal  consequences  to  myself.  I  now 
call  upon  the  friends  of  law  and  order  to  aid  in  the  performance  of 
this  obligation,  and  in  sustaining  the  laws — a  principle  upon  which 
rests  the  corner-stone  of  all  our  national  prosperity  and  greatness. 

Deeming  my  course,  with  reference  to  this  subject,  of  interest  to 
those  whose  occupations  are  to  be  affected,  and  especially  to 
those  whose  licenses  will  expire  with  the  year  ending  the  first  of  May 
ensuing,  I  have  felt  it  incumbent  upon  me  to  indicate  it  frankly.  I 
have  availed  myself  of  the  first  moment  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
Legislature,  when  all  expectations  of  repeal  or  modification  were 


WHAT  WE  SHALL  LEGALLY  DEINK.  257 

hopeless,  to  thus  make  public  my  position,  without  having  had  time 
to  examine  it,  or  to  receive  counsel  as  to  my  duties  under  it,  and 
without  knowing  whether  I  am  called  upon  or  have  power  as  Mayor 
to  take  any  part  in  its  execution.  I  shall  inform  myself  on  these 
points  without  delay,  and  announce  my  conclusions  to  the  public  with 
the  same  candor  that  prompts  this  communication. 

FERNANDO  WOOD. 


MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  XEW-YORK,  Friday,  April  27, 1855. 
To  tlie  Citizens  of  New- York: 

MY  late  communication  to  the  people  of  this  city  respecting  the 
Prohibitory  Liquor  Law,  recently  passed  by  the  Legislature,  closed 
as  follows  : 

"  I  have  availed  myself  of  the  first  moment  after  the  adjournment 
of  the  Legislature,  when  all  expectations  of  repeal  or  modification 
were  hopeless,  to  thus  make  public  my  position,  without  having  had 
time  to  examine  it,  or  to  receive  counsel  as  to  my  duties  under  it,  and 
without  knowing  whether  I  am  called  upon  or  have  power  as  Mayor 
to  take  any  part  in  its  execution.  I  shall  inform  myself  on  these 
points  without  delay,  and  announce  my  conclusion  to  the  public  with 
the  same  candor  that  prompts  this  communication." 

The  opinions  of  my  legal  advisers  before  the  public,  and  their  con 
clusions  need  but  brief  reiteration  at  my  hands.  In  my  capacity  as 
Mayor,  the  Corporation  Counsel  is  by  the  Charter  constituted  my 
guide  ;  in  my  functions  as  Magistrate,  the  District- Attorney  becomes 
my  cooperator.  These  gentlemen  sustain  the  same  relations  to  me  as 
are  held  by  Attorney-Generals  to  the  President  or  the  Governor. 
To  act  contrary  to  their  direction,  until  it  is  superseded  by  absolute 
judicial  declaration,  would  be  an  illegal  assumption,  for  doubtful 
powers  are  thus  made  certain.  I  have  no  discretion  to  take  any  other 
line  of  conduct,  without  doing  what  could  be  properly  charged  as  an 
illegal  assumption  of  power  unauthorized  by  law.  Therefore,  while 
standing  ever  ready  to  execute  all  laws  faithfully  and  diligently,  to 
the  extent  of  the  means  placed  at  my  command,  I  am,  like  other 


258  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

executive  officers,  confined  within  the  boundaries  prescribed  by  the 
legal  advisers  of  my  office  ;  to  act  contrary  would  be  to  violate  the 
law,  or  what  I  am  obliged  to  consider  the  law,  until  decided  to  be 
otherwise  by  the  courts. 

The  reply  made  by  Mr.  Hall  the  District- Attorney,  is  dated  three 
days  succeeding  the  publication  of  my  views  ;  that  of  Mr.  Dillon  is 
dated  the  following  day.  My  inquiry  to  Mr.  Hall  was  confined  to 
what  would  be  the  law  governing  the  sale  of  liquor  in  this  city  after 
the  expiration  of  existing  licenses  (May  1)  until  July  4,  when  the 
penalties  of  prohibition  will  go  into  effect,  and  as  to  the  laws  govern 
ing  Sunday  selling  during  the  same  period.  He  replied  that  the  old 
license  system  is  superseded  by  the  new,  with  its  own  appropriate 
penalties ;  that  the  old  penalties  were  not  only  specific  to  the  old  sys 
tem,  but  are  inapplicable  to  the  new  system,  as  well  because  penal 
ties  can  not  be  extended  by  implication,  as  because  the  new  system 
had  its  own  specific  penalties.  That  by  an  oversight  of  the  Legisla 
ture  the  new  penalties  are  superseded  until  that  part  of  the  act 
creating  them  becomes  operative.  That  from  May  1,  when  existing 
licenses  expire,  until  July  4,  no  obstacle  exists  to  the  free  sale  of 
liquor  in  this  city,  and  that  it  can  be  sold  the  sam<'  a«  any  other 
commodity.  And  that  for  Sunday  selling*  there  is  no  penalty  save 
the  old  civil  penalty  of  two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  for  a  whole  day's 
traffic,  and  which  is  to  be  prosecuted  and  collected  in  a  civil  action 
by  the  Corporation  Attorney. 

The  inquiries  to  Mr.  Dillon  were  more  general,  applying  to  the 
whole  scope  of  the  Prohibitory  section. 

In  reply  he  says,  that  the  Mayor  is  not  empowered  to  hear  and  de 
termine  the  charges  and  punish  offenses  arising  under  any  part  of  its 
provisions.  That  the  Mayor  is  not  authorized  to  perform  any  other 
duty  under  the  act  than  to  require  policemen  to  perform  the  duties 
enjoined  upon  them,  but  that  in  his  direction  to  the  police  he  must 
caution  them  against  any  infraction  of  that  section  of  the  law  which 
declares  it  shall  not  apply  to  liquors,  the  right  to  sell  which  in  this 
State  is  given  by  any  law  or  treaty  of  the  United  States,  and  which 
are  exempt  from  seizure,  for  the  selling  of  which  there  is  no  penalty, 
and  that  policemen  will  not  be  warranted  in  seizing  any  such  liquors. 


WHAT  WE  SHALL  LEGALLY  DBINK.  259 

or  the  vessels  in  which  they  are  contained.  The  Counsel  more  par 
ticularly  describes  these  liquors  as  being  all  those  which  are  permitted 
to  be  imported  by  act  of  Congress,  namely,  which  pay  duty ;  thus 
comprehending  all  that  are  imported.  He  also  thinks  that  the  Mayor 
has  been  appropriately  advised  by  the  District- Attorney  on  other 
branches  of  the  law  before  referred  to. 

And  now  an  experiment  is  to  be  tried  in  this  city,  whether  in  the 
absence  of  legal  compulsory  authority,  there  is  sufficient  moral  force 
in  the  community  to  prevent  unlimited  indulgence  in  intoxicating 
drinks.'  Under  these  opinions  of  the  law  officers  the  coercive  princi 
ple  recently  adopted  by  the  Legislature,  being  in  effect  almost  entirely 
nullified,  shall  we  by  general  license  and  unbridled  indulgence  prove 
that  coercion  is  necessary  ?  Shall  we  thus  admit  the  force  of  the 
prohibitory  argument  by  showing  our  inability  of  self-restraint ;  our 
incompetency  for  social  self-government  ?  If  so  disqualified  we  are 
totally  unfit  for  the  blessing  of  political  self-government. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  descant  upon  the  evils  of  intemperance.  Its 
results  are  too  indelibly  stamped  upon  the  condition  of  a  very  large 
portion  of  this  community,  to  require  any  allusion  from  me.  Any 
man  who  walks  abroad,  or  who  visits  the  garrets  and  cellars  of  this 
metropolis,  filled  with  indigence,  wretchedness,  and  disease,  or  who 
takes  a  glance  into  our  prisons,  hospitals,  or  Aims-House,  will  be 
more  or  less  than  man  if  he  does  not  turn  away  with  a  painful  and 
humiliating  consciousness  of  the  crime,  misery,  and  degradation  to 
which  alcohol  reduces  all  who  yield  to  its  temptation.  Nor  is  it 
here  alone  where  these  sad  results  are  exhibited.  The  same  develop 
ments  are  often  found  among  the  opulent,  the  educated,  and  the  re 
fined.  And  can  we  be  surprised  that  as  the  philanthropist  surveys 
this  dreadful  but  not  over-colored  picture,  he  should  resort  to  reme 
dies  as  violent  as  the  evil  sought  to  be  removed  appears  extreme 
and  destructive  ? 

I  apprehend  all  will  agree  with  me  in  the  existence  of  this  great 
injury  to  society  in  our  midst,  and  let  us  so  restrain  ourselves  by 
moral  force  alone,  that  penal  enactments  may  be  unnecessary  to  en 
force  its  prohibition.  The  best  coercion  is  voluntary  determination. 
The  human  will  should  have  force  enough  to  counteract  the  social 


260  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

evils  of  this  kind  of  over-indulgence.  When  the  mental  has  become 
subservient  to  the  animal  propensities,  all  distinctions  from  the  brute 
are  removed,  and  man  is  debased  indeed. 

And  especially  with  reference  to  the  Sabbath,  let  us  unite  these 
principles,  with  a  reverence  for  a  day  hallowed  and  blest  by  divine 
institutions  throughout  the  civilized  world.  Do  not  again  place  that 
day  in  jeopardy.  It  has  been  my  constant  effort  to  give  New- York 
quiet,  peaceful  Sabbaths,  consistent  with  the  calmness  and  devotion 
which  characterize  a  time  dedicated  to  such  sacred  objects.  The 
closing  of  the  liquor-shops,  and  it  may  be  said  almost  total  abstinence 
has  been  obtained.  A  disposition  has  been  manifested  to  comply 
with  my  wishes  and  with  the  law,  in  this  matter,  highly  creditable  to 
those  engaged  in  the  trade,  and  which  in  no  small  degree  has  served 
to  allay  much  hostility  to  the  traffic  generally,  besides  raising  the 
moral  position  of  the  trade  itself. 

Though  I  look  into  the  future  with  some  fear  in  view  of  my  pre 
sent  restricted  legal  power  over  this  subject,  still  there  shall  be  no 
change  in  my  efforts  to  maintain  intact  the  present  cessation  of  liquor- 
selling  and  other  employments  on  that  day,  and  in  this  the  liquor- 
dealers  themselves  should  continue  to  cooperate.  It  is  their  duty  as 
well  as  their  interest  to  comply.  Even  those  who  defend  the  occu 
pation  as  an  abstract,  inherent  right  to  deal  in  any  article  of  mer 
chandise,  can  not  but  admit  that  none  but  the  evil-minded,  who  are 
not  creditable  members  of  any  profession  or  society,  can  maintain  a 
position  so  antagonistic  to  public  sentiment  and  morals.  I  look  upon 
liquor-selling  upon  the  Sabbath  day  as  a  degrading  occupation,  from 
which  any  man,  as  he  values  his  reputation,  should  fly  as  from  a  con 
tagion. 

Let  me  urge,  therefore,  upon  all  to  show  that  the  citizens  of  New- 
York  have  within  their  own  breasts  a  higher  law,  which  governs 
their  appetites  without  penal  punishments,  and  that  having  tasted  the 
sweets  of  quiet  Sabbath  ;  of  one  day's  rest  and  repose  from  the  toils, 
strifes,  and  wickedness  of  the  weekly  contests  incident  to  city  life,  we 
will  not  again  relax  into  what  is  little  better  than  bestial  indulgence 
on  a  day  devoted,  throughout  the  Christian  world,  to  the  worship  of 
the  «  only  true  and  ever-living  God." 

FERNANDO  WOOD. 


WHAT  WE  SHALL  LEGALLY  DKLNK.  261 

But  the  much  good  already  done  in  the  city  of  New- 
York  by  this  one  energetic  man,  had  spread  his  reputa- 
tation  far  and  wide  over  the  country,  and  even  solid 
men  of  Boston  must  needs  come  to  him  for  advice  upon 
the  matter  of  "strong  potations,"  and  laws  prohibitory 
thereof. 

No  less  imposing  a  body  than  the  "  Massachusetts 
Temperance  Society"  write  to  him  to  know  what  is  to 
be  done  by  their  executive  officers  in  their  towns  and 
villages.  And  he  replies  :  "  That  the  duty  of  a  mayor 
with  reference  to  the  execution  of  any  law  depends  upon 
the  law  itself.  There  are  laws  the  enforcement  of  which 
rests  entirely  with  other  functionaries,  and  with  which 
municipal  officers  have  nothing  to  do ;  therefore  of  the 
duties  of  mayors  in  the  execution  of  your  prohibitory 
law  in  the  cities  of  Massachusetts  I  can  not  speak,  never 
having  read  that  law,  and  without  knowledge  as  to  the 
magisterial  prerogatives  of  their  offices  in  your  State. 

"  By  a  singular  oversight  the  Legislature  of  New- 
York  has  passed  a  prohibitory  law  which  imposes  no 
duty  upon  the  mayor  of  this  city  whatever.  That  offi 
cer  is  not  only  not  named  in  the  act,  but  its  execution 
depends  entirely  upon  other  officers  who  are  designated 
therein.  Had  our  Legislature  passed  a  law  for  the  sup 
pression  of  intemperance,  and  it  became  my  duty  as 
Mayor  of  this  city  to  enforce  its  provisions,  the  effort 
would  have  been  made  by  me  at  all  hazards,  and  with 
a  determined  use  of  the  whole  power  of  my  office.  An 
executive  officer  has  nothing  to  do  but  to  administer  the 
laws  as  far  as  their  enforcement  devolves  upon  him, 
taking  care,  however,  to  receive  the  advice  of  the  law 


262  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

officers  of  his  office,  as  to  his  power  and  duties ;  and 
especially  is  legal  advice  necessary  with  reference  to  the 
execution  of  laws  like  the  Maine  Law,  which  directs  the 
seizure  and  destruction  of  property ;  otherwise  serious 
personal  liability  would  be  assumed,  sufficient  to  ruin 
the  wealthiest  man  in  the  community.  Were  1  to  at 
tempt  the  execution  of  our  Prohibitory  Law,  and  seize 
and  destroy  liquors  after  having  received  the  official 
assurances  of  the  legal  advisers  of  my  office  that  such 
seizure  and  interference  would  be  illegal,  I  would 
subject  myself  to  personal  liability,  inasmuch  as  the 
execution  of  the  law  did  not  devolve  upon  my  office  at 
all,  and  I  should  be  assuming  a  responsibility  not  justi 
fied  by  any  public  considerations  whatever." 

Already  he  has  seen  to  the  enforcement  of  such  city 
laws  as  do  exist.  He  has  issued  a  kind  and  courteous 
circular  to  the  liquor-dealers,  begging  them  to  cooperate 
with  him  in  this  matter.  He  has  said  that  the  sale  of 
liquors  upon  Sunday  shall  be  stopped  ;  that  open  drunk 
enness  shall  be  punished  according  to  the  law  in  such 
case  made  and  provided.  He  has  given  his  instructions 
to  the  Police  Department,  and  now,  in  the  end,  he  de 
fines  what  power  he  has  under  this  new  "Act  to  Prevent 
Intemperance,  Pauperism,  and  Crime,"  as  follows,  on 
June  the  25th. 

After  quoting  from  his  counsel,  Mr.  Dillon,  as  follows : 
"  That  the  Mayor  is  not  empowered  to  hear  and  deter 
mine  the  charges  and  punish  offenses  arising  under  any 
part  of  its  provisions.  That  the  Mayor  is  not  authorized 
to  perform  any  other  duty  under  the  act,  than  to  require 


WHAT  WE  SHALL  LEGALLY  DRINK.  263 

policemen  to  perform  trie  duties  enjoined  upon  them, 
but  that  in  his  direction  to  the  Police  he  must  caution 
them  against  any  infraction  of  that  section  of  the  law, 
which  declares  it  shall  not  apply  to  liquors,  the  right  to 
sell  which  in  this  State  is  given  by  any  law  or  treaty  of 
the  United  States,  and  which  are  exempt  from  seizure, 
for  the  selling  of  which  there  is  no  penalty,  and  that 
policemen  will  not  be  warranted  in  seizing  any  such 
liquors,  or  the  vessels  in  which  they  are  contained.  The 
Counsel  more  particularly  describes  these  liquors  as 
being  those  which  are  permitted  to  be  imported  by  act 
of  Congress,  namely,  which  pay  duty,  thus  comprehend 
ing  all  that  are  imported.  He  also  thinks  that  the 
Mayor  has  been  appropriately  advised  by  the  District- 
Attorney,  on  other  branches  of  the  law  above  referred 
to."  He  proceeds  to  say : 

"Subsequently,  I  have  examined  this  law  with  great 
care,  being  sincerely  desirous  of  arriving  at  correct  con 
clusions,  as  to  my  whole  duty  under  it. 

It  is  undeniable  that  the  Executive  officer  must  as 
sume  every  act  of  the  Legislature  to  be  valid.  This 
assumption,  however,  in  the  present  case,  must  be 
adopted  with  some  reference  to  the  doubts  expressed  as 
to  some  branches  of  this  law.  In  assuming  the  law 
valid,  I  am  not  to  give  up  the  duty  of  administering  it 
according  to  those  views  concerning  its  practical  execu 
tion  which  I  have  concluded  have  the  highest  legal  au 
thority.  Whilst  assuming  an  act  valid,  it  is  also  impera 
tive  upon  the  public  officer  to  ascertain  what  is  really 
required  of  him,  and  in  case  of  doubt  as  to  any  particu 
lar  provision — the  enforcing  of  which  will  incur  per- 


264  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FEENANDO  WOOD. 

sonai  responsibility,  by  the  infliction  of  injuries  upon 
the  persons  and  property  of  the  citizens — to  exercise 
extreme  caution.  For  whilst  the  people  have  a  right  to 
call  upon  a  public  officer  to  enforce  the  laws,  they  have 
no  right  to  require  him  to  seize  property  and  arrest  per 
sons,  if  there  be  any  well-founded  doubt  as  to  the  sub 
sequent  maintenance  of  this  authority  by  the  courts. 
It  would  not  do  to  tell  the  citizen,  after  the  courts  had 
decided  that  his  property  had  been  illegally  seized  and 
his  person  illegally  imprisoned,  that  the  magistrate  had 
believed  himself  authorized  to  order  it  under  the  law, 
and  that  there  is  no  redress. 

The  presumption  is,  that  the  officer  assumes  no  illegal 
powers  ;  that  he  is  careful  to  avoid  the  exercise  of  such 
powers,  especially  if  they  are  oppressive  in  their  charac 
ter  and  incur  personal  liability.  No  public  officer  can 
be  called  upon  to  do  this,  and  it  matters  little  whether 
the  liability  falls  upon  the  officer  personally,  or  the  dam 
ages  are  to  be  reimbursed  by  taxation  upon  the  property 
of  the  whole  people. 

It  is  self-evident,  therefore,  that  whilst  ifris  my  duty 
to  execute  this  law,  yet  its  peculiar  character,  connected 
with  the  doubts  thrown  around  its  true  interpretation 
and  its  constitutionality,  justifies  me  in  giving  it  what  I 
believe  to  be  the  most  accurate  legal  construction,  so  far 
as  my  office  has  any  thing  to  do  with  it.  This  I  have 
determined  to  do,  and  refer  to  the  accompanying  order 
to  the  Police  as  declaring  what  that  construction  is. 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  order  applies  exclusively  to 
those  duties  put  upon  the  Police  by  ike  act  in  which  they 
are  clothed  with  the  power  of  seizing  property  and  arresting 


WHAT  WE  SHALL  LEGALLY  DKINK,  265 

persons  merely  upon  their  own  motion,  without  warrants  or 
complaint.  It  does  not  interfere  with  their  duty  in  the 
serving  of  process,  or  in  executing  warrants  based  upon 
the  complaint  of  others.  It  leaves  any  citizen  the  right, 
who  is  willing  and  able  to  assume  the  responsibility,  to 
test  the  law  in  the  courts  by  attempting  its  enforcement. 
In  my  opinion,  no  time  should  be  lost  in  giving  it  this 
direction,  that  judicial  decision  may  be  obtained  to  dis 
pel  all  doubts,  and  ascertain  fully  whether  every  apparent 
condition  shall  be  carried  out.  It  is  scarcely  necessary 
for  me  to  add,  that  if  adverse  to  the  views  which  I  have 
considered  it  my  duty  to  adopt,  I  shall  acquiesce  and 
use  every  power  at  my  command  to  give  force  and  effect 
to  that  decision  whatever  it  may  be. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that,  so  far  as  this  city  is  con 
cerned,  some  other  and  more  practical  means  had  not 
been  adopted  for  the  suppression  of  intemperance.  No 
citizen  will  go  farther  or  do  more  to  accomplish  so  great 
a  good  than  myself.  I  look  upon  intoxication,  and  the 
habitual  use  of  intoxicating  liquor,  as  a  vice  more  de 
structive  in  its  effects,  and  more  debasing  in  its  charac 
ter,  than  any  other  extant  in  this  community.  My  own 
practice  and  precepts  have  always  been  in  accordance 
with  these  opinions ;  and  since  holding  my  present  offi 
cial  relations  to  the  people  of  this  city,  I  have  been 
active  and  determined  in  thus  treating  it.  But,  as  a 
public  officer,  I  can  not  act  upon  theories  of  ethics. 
The  law  must  be  my  guide,  to  be  construed  according  to 
the  best  lights  presented." 

The  doctrine  being  settled,  the  practice  becomes  a 


266  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

question  to  be  decided.  The  aids  of  the  Executive  are 
the  officers  of  police.  Therefore  instructions  must  be 
issued  to  them,  and  on  June  the  25th,  a  couple  of  weeks 
before  the  law  should  have  its  effect,  he  details  to  them 
their  powers,  duties,  and  responsibilities,  on  this  wise : 

"  Herewith  is  furnished  a  copy  of  an  Act  entitled  'An 
Act  for  the  Prevention  of  Intemperance,  Pauperism,  and 
Crime,'  passed  April  9th,  1855.  I  call  your  attention 
especially  to  the  1st,  7th,  and  12th  sections,  which  more 
directly  refer  to  such  duties  as  are  imposed  upon  you  by 
its  provisions.  The  first  section  declares  that  intoxicat 
ing  liquors,  except  as  are  hereinafter  provided, 

"  Shall  not  be  sold  or  kept  for  sale,  or  with  intent  to  be  sold,  by  any 
person,  for  himself  or  any  other  person,  in  any  place  whatsoever  ;  nor 
shall  it  be  given  away,  (except  as  a  medicine,  by  physicians  pursuing 
the  practice  of  medicine  as  a  business,  or  for  sacramental  purposes,) 
nor  be  kept  with  intent  to  be  given  away  in  any  place  whatsoever, 
except  in  a  dwelling-house  in  which,  or  in  any  part  of  which,  no  tav 
ern,  store,  grocery,  shop,  boarding  or  victualling  house,  .or  room  for 
gambling,  dancing,  or  other  public  amusement  or  recreation  of  any 
kind  is  kept ;  nor  shall  it  be  kept  or  deposited  in  any  place  whatso 
ever,  except  in  such  dwelling-house,  as  above  described,  or  in  a 
church,  or  place  of  worship,  for  sacramental  purposes,  or  in  a  place 
where  either  some  chemical,  mechanical,  or  medicinal  art,  requiring 
the  use  of  liquor,  is  carried  on  as  a  regular  branch  of  business  ;  or 
while  in  actual  transportation  from  one  place  to  another,  or  stored  iu 
a  warehouse  prior  to  its  reaching  the  place  of  its  destination.  This 
section  shall  not  apply  to  liquor,  the  right  to  sell  which  in  this 
State  is  given  by  any  law  or  treaty  of  the  United  States." 

The  seventh  section  declares  the  duty  of  the  officer 
after  the  seizure  of  the  liquor,  pursuant  to  the  twelfth 


WHAT  WE  SHALL  LEGALLY  DKINK.  267 

section,  with  reference  to  giving  notice  to  the  owner, 
etc.,  etc.     The  twelfth  section  declares  that 

"  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  every  sheriff,  under-sheriff,  deputy-sheriff, 
constable,  marshal,  or  policeman,  to  serve  all  processes  to  be  issued 
by  virtue  of  this  act,  to  arrest  any  person  whom  he  shall  see  actually 
engaged  in  the  commission  of  any  offense  in  violation  of  the  first  sec 
tion  of  this  act,  and  to  seize  all  liquors  kept  in  violation  of  said  sec 
tion,  at  the  time  and  place  of  the  commission  of  such  offense,  together 
with  the  vessels  in  which  the  same  is  contained,  and  forthwith  to 
convey  such  person  before  any  magistrate  of  the  same  city  or  town, 
to  be  dealt  with  according  to  law,  and  to  store  the  liquor  and  vessels 
so  seized  in  some  convenient  place,  to  be  disposed  of  as  hereinafter 
provided.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  every  officer,  by  whom  any  arrest 
and  seizure  shall  be  made  under  this  section,  to  make  complaint,  on 
oath,  against  the  person  or  persons  arrested,  and  to  prosecute  such 
complaint  to  judgment  and  execution.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  every 
such  officer,  whenever  he  shall  see  any  intoxicated  person  in  any 
store,  hotel,  street,  alley,  highway  or  place,  or  disturbing  the  public 
peace  and  quiet,  to  apprehend  such  person,  and  take  him  before  some 
magistrate,  and  if  said  magistrate  shall,  after  due  examination,  deem 
him  too  much  intoxicated  to  be  examined,  or  to  answer  upon  oath 
correctly,  he  shall  direct  said  officer  to  keep  him  in  some  jail,  lock 
up,  or  other  safe  and  convenient  place,  to  be  designated  by  said  ma 
gistrate  until  he  shall  become  sober,  and  thereupon  forthwith  to  take 
him  before  said  magistrate,  or  if  he  can  not  be  found,  before  some 
other  magistrate." 

Now,  whilst  it  is  clearly  obligatory  upon  you  to  en 
force  all  laws  passed  by  the  Legislature,  which  impose 
duties  on  your  office,  and  to  assume  them  valid  until  de 
cided  otherwise  by  the  courts,  yet,  as  your  command 
ing  officer,  and  responsible  for  your  acts,  if  pursuant  to 
orders,  I  feel  it  incumbent  upon  me  to  state,  what  is  the 
interpretation  to  be  put  upon  this  law,  so  far  as  it  im- 


268  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

poses  any  duties  upon  "you,  and  what  are  the  limits  of 
your  powers  under  it. 

You  will  not  be  authorized  to  seize  any  foreign 
liquors,  or  in  arresting  for  the  sale  of  the  same,  except 
upon  warrant  issued  by  a  competent  magistrate  upon 
testimony  other  than  your  own.  "Whether  liquors  ex 
hibited  in  your  presence,  either  for  sale  or  otherwise, 
are  intoxicating  liquors,  (as  designated  in  section  22,)  or 
of  foreign  manufacture  or  not,  you  must  judge  with 
great  circumspection,  and  be  careful  to  avoid  seizing 
any  thus  exempt. 

An  error  in  this  regard  may  lay  you  liable  to  severe 
personal  responsibility,  inasmuch  as  you  are  hereby  ex 
pressly  enjoined  to  seize  no  such  liquors. 

Your  principal  duties  arise  under  the  12th  section. 
The  duties  under  other  sections  are  merely  to  serve 
processes  of  magistrates.  The  12th  section  requires 


First,  To  arrest  any  person  seen  in  the  violation  of 
the  1st  section. 

Second,  To  seize  all  liquors  kept  in  violation  of  the 
1st  section,  at  the  time  and  place  of  the  commission  of 
the  offense. 

Third,  "When  an  arrest  or  seizure  is  made,  to  make 
a  complaint  before  a  proper  magistrate  under  the  Act. 

Fourth,  To  arrest  any  intoxicated  person,  in  a  store, 
hotel,  public  place,  or  disturbing  the  peace,  and  take 
him  before  a  magistrate. 

The  first  and  second  items  thus  referred  to  in  this 
section  are  of  vital  importance,  and  require  to  be  exe 
cuted  with  great  judgment.  They  require  the  arrest  of 


WHAT  WE  SHALL  LEGALLY  DEESTK.  269 

persons  and  the  seizure  of  property,  in  the  visible  viola 
tion  of  the  Act.  You  will  therefore  be  careful  that 
when  an  arrest  or  seizure  is  to  be  made  on  view — that 
is,  merely  as  the  result  of  your  own  observation — that 
it  must  be  such  a  violation  as  the  eye  itself  can  fully  dis 
close,  and  can  not  embrace  offenses,  where  the  whole  of 
the  offense  does  not  fall  under  your  own  eye :  as  thus, 
a  sale  of  liquor  in  your  presence  not  in  any  of  the  ex- 
cepted  places,  or  by  one  of  the  licensed  persons,  and  not 
dutiable,  is  an  absolute  violation  of  the  law,  calling  for 
arrest  of  the  person,  seizure  of  the  liquor  and  complaint* 
to  the  magistrate.  But  'keeping  with  intent  to  sell  or  give 
away,  is  not  an  offense  fully  within  the  scope  of  the 
eye ;  the  keeping  is,  but  the  intent  is  a  matter  of  which 
the  eye  alone  is  not,  and  can  not  be  a  sufficient  judge. 
You  can  not  see  the  violation  of  this  clause,  for  an  intent 
can  not  be  seen;  it  is  only  to  be  made  out  from  many 
circumstances  which  are  to  prove  it  to  the  judgment, 
and  not  to  the  sight.  These  violations,  therefore,  do 
not  come  within  this  section,  (12th,)  so  as  to  compel 
you  to  arrest  or  seize  without  complaints. 

As  to  the  third  item,  it  is  consequent  upon  the  first 
and  second.  It  is  important  to  be  followed  up  ;  because 
the  conviction  under  the  complaint  is  essential  for  your 
own  protection. 

The  fourth  item,  as  to  the  arrest  of  intoxicated  per 
sons,  etc.,  is  already  required  of  you  by  the  laws  and  the 
rules  and  regulations  of  the  Police  Department,  as  far  as 
the  streets  are  concerned. 

I  can  not  too  seriously  impress  upon  you  the  dis 
creet  exercise  of  your  duties,  under  this  law.  The 


270  BIOGKAPHY   OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

power  of  seizing  property  at  will,  and  arresting  persons 
by  no  other  authority  than  your  own  volition,  is  one 
which  has  heretofore  never  been  conferred  on  police  offi 
cers,  and  should  be  carefully  guarded,  so  as  to  avoid 
oppression  of  the  citizen. 

It  is  one  of  the  dearest  rights  of  American  citizens 
to  be  secure  in  person  and  property.  Neither  should 
be  touched,  without  the  strongest  and  most  conclusive 
proof  that  the  act  is  fully  warranted :  and  in  the  exer 
cise  of  this  important  discretion,  too  much  caution  and 
judgment  can  not  be  adopted.  I  shall  hold  you  to 
severe  accountability,  and  trust  that  while  the  laAY  is 
faithfully  executed,  sustained,  and  carried  out  on  the 
one  hand,  no  oppressive  acts  on  the  other  will  be  perpe 
trated  against  the  rights  of  the  citizen,  in  the  perform 
ance  of  the  duties  which  are  thus  devolved  upon  you." 

So  that  matter  is  ended,  and  the  "Act  for  the  Preven 
tion  of  Intemperance,  Pauperism,  and  Crime,"  passed  by 
the  inspired  men  convened  at  Albany,  now  obtains  in 
the  city  of  New- York  all  the  respectful  obedience  to 
which  perhaps  it  was  entitled.  It  is,  however,  a  subject 
of  sincere  regret  with  Mayor  "Wood  that  all  his  well- 
directed  and  successful  efforts  to  close  the  liquor-shops 
on  the  Sabbath  day  have  been  paralyzed  and  destroyed 
by  the  construction  which  his  official  legal  advisers  have 
put  upon  this  law. 

Previous  to  its  operation,  he  had  entirely  succeeded 
in  that  wonderful  work  with  the  laws  as  they  then 
stood,  but  as  this  act  repealed  all  former  acts  relating  to 
liquor,  (including  those  forbidding  the  sale  of  liquor  on 


WHAT  WE  SHALL   LEGALLY  DRINK.  271 

Sunday)  he  had  no  law  by  which  to  punish  for  the  sale 
on  that  day,  and  consequently  could  not  enforce  obe 
dience.  Persons  who  either  do  not  understand  the  sub 
ject,  or  will  not,  have  essayed  censure  upon  the  author 
ities,  because  Sunday  dram-drinking  is  not  suppressed 
as  before  the  law  was  changed.  The  evil  is  not  charge 
able  to  Mayor  Wood.  It  is  to  the  law,  or  the  want  of 
law ;  or  it  may  be  the  erroneous  impressions  of  it  by 
those  who  are  placed  by  him  as  expounders  of  it.  He 
has  done  his  whole  duty  in  the  premises,  and  challenges 
criticism  upon  his  course  without  any  fear  of  the  result. 


CHAPTER     XV. 

ABOUT  EMIGRANTS. 

SINCE  the  establishment  of  the  United  States,  as  a 
nation,  the  vast  extent  of  territory  ruled  over  by  that 
government  has  served  as  a  home  and  place  of  refuge 
for  the  oppressed,  the  poor,  the  Europeans  with  repub 
lican  tendencies  and  the  political  exile  of  every  grade. 
These  were  welcomed  kindly,  particularly  in  New- 
York,  where  hospitals  and  alms-houses,  and  emigrant 
societies  exist  to  an  immense  extent  and  where  a  fabu 
lous  amount  of  money  is  expended  for  the  amelioration 
of  the  condition  of  these  poor  people. 

But  when  the  Powers  on  the  other  side,  observed  that 
their  poor  ancl  suffering  were  so  well  received  in  this 
city,  they  conceived  the  idea  *  of  making  it  a  sort  of 
Cave  of  Adullum  or  New  Home,  whither  all  their  out 
laws,  felons,  rogues  and  diseased  beggars  might  be  sent 
for  their  country's  good. 

Now  this  idea  was  put  into  execution,  and  we  soon 
had  a  foreign  population  of  a  nature  which  would  in 
duce  a  thoughtful  man  to  vote  against  the  abolition  of 
capital  punishment.  "Well,  our  worthy  rulers  dozed  and 
grunted  over  this  sorrow,  and  the  sorrow  waxed.  Then 


ABOUT  EMIGRANTS.  273 

Mr.  Wood  being  called  to  the  chair  of  the  Mayoralty, 
and  keeping  his  weather-eye  open,  as  is  his  custom, 
at  last  spied  an  opportunty  to  attempt  a  reform  of 
this  evil. 

lie  first  endeavored  to  interest  the  general  govern 
ment,  whose  natural  business  it  was,  in  the  matter,  and 
with  that  intention,  addressed  the  following  letter  to 
President  Pierce : 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  STEW-YoRK,  January  2, 1855. 

His  EXCELLENCY  FRANKLIN  PIERCE, 

President  of  the  United  States. 

DEAR  SIR  :  There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  for  many  years,  this  port 
has  been  a  sort  of  penal  colony  for  felons  and  paupers,  by  the  local 
authorities  of  several  of  the  continental  European  nations.  The  des 
perate  character  of  a  portion  of  the  people  arriving  here  from  those 
countries,  together  with  the  increase  of  crime  and  misery  among  that 
class  of  our  population,  with  other  facts  before  us,  prove  conclusively, 
that  such  is  the  case. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  refer  to  the  gross  wrong  thus  perpetrated  upoii 
this  city.  It  requires  from  me  no  allusion  to  the  jeopardy  of  our 
lives  and  property  from  this  cause.  Men  who,  by  a  long  career  of 
crime  and  destitution  have  learned  to  recognize  no  laws,  either  civil 
or  natural,  can  not  fail  to  produce  feelings  of  terror  at  their  ap 
proach. 

The  inherent  right  of  every  community  to  protect  itself  from  dan 
gers  arising  from  such  emigration,  can  not  be  questioned.  New- 
York  has  submitted  to  it  long  enough.  The  disease  and  pauperism 
arriving  here  almost  daily  from  abroad,  is  of  itself  a  sufficient  evil ; 
but  when  to  it  is  added  crime,  we  must  be  permitted  to  remonstrate. 
"We  ask  the  interference  of  the  general  government ;  as  it  is  its 
duty  to  protect  us  from  foreign  aggression,  with  ball  and  cannon,  so 
it  is  its  duty  to -protect  us  against  an  enemy  more  insidious  and  des 
tructive,  though  coming  in  another  form. 
12* 


274:  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

I  call  your  attention  to  this  subject,  hoping  it  will  receive  from 
you  that  action  which  its  very  great  importance  to  the  whole  coun 
try  demands.  I  am  very  truly  yours,  etc., 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 

This  letter  producing  no  effect  upon  the  elevated  offi 
cial  to  whom  it  was  addressed,  the  Mayor  wrote  upon 
the  26th  of  February,  to  a  Member  of  Congress  from 
New- York,  Hon.  John  Wheeler.  This  letter  exhibits 
an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  abominable  system  of  the 
Swiss  republic  with  regard  to  their  paupers ;  from  which 
country  and  Germany  there  came  to  this  port  last  year 
186,000  immigrants,  of  whom  many  were  transferred 
directly  from  the  ship  to  the  Aims-House.  Mr.  Wood 
shows  the  exceeding  peril  of  all  this,  and  proves  the 
necessity  for  national  legislation  to  prevent  it: 

DEAR  SIR  :  In  reply  to  your  inquiries  respecting  the  Belgians 
lately  in  confinement  in  this  city,  I  have  the  honor  to  advise,  that 
they  are  now  at  liberty,  and  beyond  the  control  of  the  authorities, 
except  so  far  as  they  may  become  amenable  to  our  laws  hereafter. 
Judge  Eoosevelt  of  the  Supreme  Court  released  them  on  the  24th 
instant,  and  they  are  now  at  large,  whether  for  weal  or  woe  remains 
to  be  seen. 

I  resisted  this  proceeding,  and  hence  am  conscious  of  having  dis 
charged  my  duty.  However  much  crime  or  destitution  may  be  in 
creased  among  us  in  consequence,  1  shall  feel  no  self-reproach.  I  can 
not  nevertheless  but  express  regret  that  they  should  have  been  re 
leased  so  summarily  at  this  time.  I  never  counseled  their  detention 
in  prison,  but  advised  that  they  should  be  returned  to  Antwerp,  and 
but  for  this  application  to  the  Courts,  they  would  have  now  been  on 
their  way  thither.  Their  discharge  in  this  manner  will,  I  fear,  nullify 
my  efforts  to  prevent  the  immigration  of  criminals  and  paupers  into 
this  country.  It  appears  to  establish  the  fact,  that  the  courts  defend 


ABOUT  EMIGRANTS.  275 

their  introduction.  Any  action  of  the  municipal  authorities  here 
after  to  counteract  this,  will  be  looked  upon  as  illegal,  and  will  be 
entirely  futile.  An  order  that  they  shall  not  land  will  be  met  by 
smuggling  them  on  shore,  when  if  arrested  and  imprisoned,  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  sets  them  at  liberty  to  depredate  upon  our  lives  and 
property. 

It  may  not  be  known  to  you,  that  very  extensive  preparations  are 
now  being  made  in  Germany  and  Belgium  and  other  nations  of 
Europe,  for  further  exportation  of  the  same  class  of  people. 

In  Switzerland,  the  preparatory  movements  have  been  BO  exten 
sive,  that  the  cantonal  governments  are  now  legislating  as  to  the 
cheapest  and  best  mode  of  getting  them  away. 

A  singular  fact,  in  connection  with  the  public  property  of  the 
towns  and  villages  of  Switzerland  adds  an  additional  inducement  to 
the  banishment  of  their  paupers  and  criminals.  The  lands  and 
forests  belong  to  the  commune,  and  in  many  instances  would  amount 
in  value  to  500  to  700  francs  per  individual.  The  local  authorities 
therefore  have  a  double  object  in  getting  rid  of  the  poor.  The  ex 
pense  of  their  support  and  the  evils  of  their  crime  are  not  only  re 
moved  for  ever,  but  the  proprietory  interest  of  those  remaining  is 
increased  by  getting  rid  of  so  large  a  portion  of  the  population. 
Official  statements  show  that  in  some  of  the  districts  one  sixth  of 
the  population  subsists  by  public  alms. 

The  principles  of  self-preservation  from  the  evils  of  criminal  and 
pauper  immigration  recommended  by  me  are  fully  understood  in 
Switzerland.  These  villages  and  communes  are  far  more  jealous  of 
their  own  local  interest,  even  against  each  other,  than  we  have  shown 
ourselves  against  foreign  nations. 

A  pauper  resident  in  one  canton  is  not  permitted  to  become  a 
resident  of  another  canton.  Every  one  visiting  into  another  canton, 
even  under  a  plea  of  looking  for  work,  is  closely  watched,  and  the 
passports  and  papers  with  which  they  must  always  be  provided, 
closely  examined.  The  same,  and  even  to  a  greater  extent,  is  the  case 
in  Germany.  None  dare  venture  into  a  neighboring  State,  without 
a  passport  and  other  requisite  papers,  and  if  he  is  found  to  be  desti 
tute,  (for  on  the  borders  of  a  country  one  must  show  a  certain  sum  of 


276  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

money,)  he  is  immediately  ordered  back,  and  if  necessary,  transferred 
forcibly  back  by  the  police,  fearful  that  by  entering  he  will  become 
a  public  charge. 

This  appears  to  be  the  domestic  policy  of  those  countries  towards 
each  other,  but  who,  however,  have  no  compunctions  of  conscience  or 
regard  for  our  rights,  in  transferring  these  outcasts  to  our  care.  How 
ever  contending  with  each  other  as  to  the  care  of  these  unfortunates, 
they  appear  to  make  common  cause  in  saddling  them  upon  us. 
Therefore,  in  not  receiving  them,  and  in  forcibly  sending  them  back, 
we  but  follow  the  policy  of  the  countries  from  whence  they  came.  I 
regret  we  have  not  in  this  instance  followed  so  good  an  example. 
The  inherent  right  of  every  community  to  protect  itself  from  the 
ingress  of  dangerous  persons,  can  not  be  questioned.  "  Self-preserva 
tion  is  the  first  law  of  nature."  "Why  is  it  that  quarantine  regula 
tions  are  adopted,  but  to  prevent  the  introduction  of  contagion  into 
cities  ?  And  if  it  is  right  to  exclude  contagion,  why  is  it  not  right 
to  exclude  what  is  equally  fatal  and  destructive  ?  Do  we  protect 
ourselves  from  this  evil  ?  Does  this  decision  protect  us  from  it  ?  Are 
not  the  efforts  of  the  city  authorities  worthy  of  some  support  from 
the  courts  in  a  matter  of  such  paramount  importance  to  the  people 
of  this  city  ?  The  late  Grand-Jury  of  this  city  say  in  their  present 
ment  :  "  In  connection  with  the  subject,  the  Grand- Jury  would  call  the 
public  attention  to  the  sources  of  our  crime  and  pauperism.  They  found 
that  in  the  institutions  visited  by  them,  fully  three  fourths  of  the 
inmates  were  of  foreign  birth.  While  the  city  must  maintain  those 
now  upon  its  hands,  it  is  no  part  of  its  duty  to  bear  the  burden  of 
the  crime,  lunacy,  and  pauperism  of  foreign  countries.  If  we  had  to 
maintain  only  that  which  originates  among  us,  the  burden  would  be 
comparatively  light.  While  we  would  extend  welcome  and  encour 
agement  to  the  industrious  and  well-disposed  emigrant  from  every 
country,  we  should,  so  far  as  possible,  prevent  the  entrance  among  us 
of  those  who  must  become  a  public  charge." 

The  number  of  alien  passengers  who  arrived  at  this  port  last 
year  was  319,223,  of  which  185,869  were  from  Germany  and  Switzer 
land. 

My  observation  and  experience  within  the  past  three  months  have 


ABOUT  EMIGRANTS.  277 

forced  me  to  the  conclusion,  that  it  is  in  a  portion  of  the  emigration 
from  these  countries  that  our  institutions  are  to  receive  their  greatest 
shock,  our  morality  the  severest  taints,  and  our  local  taxation  its 
largest  addition. 

I  do  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  asserting  that  this  emigration  is 
detrimental  as  a  whole.  Among  them  are  many  honest,  industrious, 
and  thrifty  people,  whose  presence  here  may  be  called  a  blessing  to 
the  country ;  but  it  is  to  that  portion  that  I  allude  who,  like  the  Bel 
gians,  have  been  sent  out  of  their  own  country  as  either  paupers  or 
criminals. 

If  nearly  two  hundred  thousand  found  their  way  here  in  1854, 
(many  being  transferred  directly  from  the  ship  to  the  Aims-House,) 
when  it  was  a  doubtful  question  whether  our  authorities  had  not  the 
power  to  expel  or  imprison  them,  how  many  may  we  not  look  for, 
when  it  is  known  abroad  that  a  simple  application  of  a  writ  of  ha 
beas  corpus  will  place  them  at  large,  in  defiance  of  all  municipal 
regulations  ? 

The  process  of  filling  our  prisons  and  alms-houses  has  now  become 
simplified.  The  foreign  government  who  desires  to  rid  itself  of  this 
burden,  has  but  to  instruct  its  minister  or  consul  to  engage  the  serv 
ices  of  some  attorney  at  the  port  in  this  country  where  it  is  to  be 
sent,  and  a  writ  is  taken  out,  and  "  the  deed  is  done." 

In  view  of  these  facts,  I  need  not  add,  that  legislation  is  demanded 
without  delay  to  put  a  stop  to  it.    I  hope  Congress  will  do  some 
thing  for  us.      The  country  can  be  served  in  no  better  or  more 
effectual  manner,  as  far  as  it  respects  the  welfare  of  the  people.  * 
Very  respectfully  yours, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 

Fears  were  then  entertained  by  some  of  the  foreign 
governments  that  emigration  itself  was  to  be  opposed 
here,  and  Mr.  Fay,  Charge  d' Affaires  at  Berne,  wrote  to 
the  Mayor.  His  answer,  which  follows,  succinctly  and 
clearly  shows  the  exact  position  of  this  country  towards 
the  emigrant,  and  sets  forth  clearly  the  real  evils  com- 


278  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

plained  of,  and  the  duty  of  the  general  government  to 
cure  them. 

NEW- YORK,  May  8, 1855. 

SIE  :  I  am  in  receipt  of  a  letter  from  you  without  date,  received 
per  the  last  European  mail.  I  had  before  been  advised  of  the  desire 
manifested  by  you,  to  protect  this  country  from  the  evil,  and  our 
naturalized  citizens  from  the  odium,  of  the  immigration  to  our  shores 
of  certain  classes  who  are  detrimental  to  the  morals  and  well-being 
of  our  people. 

The  authorities,  and  particularly  our  foreign  population  from  the 
German  States,  should  thank  you,  for  your  exertions  to  this  end,  so 
far  as  your  influence  upon  the  government  of  Switzerland  is  con 
cerned,  and  that  government  has  commended  itself  to  our  good 
opinion,  by  its  promptness  in  complying  with  your  request. 

In  reply  to  what  is  stated  in  your  letter  now  before  me,  relating 
to  the  reception  of  emigrants,  and  asking  "  due  forbearance  with  re 
gard  to  too  sudden  application  of  severe  rules,  and  that  such  regula 
tions,  when  suddenly  adopted,  may  not  be  put  in  force  against  Swiss 
citizens  without  timely  notice,"  I  have  the  honor  to  say,  that,  so  far 
as  is  known  to  me,  there  is  no  disposition  in  this  country  to  resort  to 
injurious  or  oppressive  measures  against  the  Swiss,  or  any  other 
emigrant.  No  change  is  contemplated,  except  it  be  for  the  better 
protection  of  his  interests  or  welfare.  And  if  no  change  is  made  by 
the  authorities  to  his  disadvantage,  you  will  agree  with  me,  that 
every  right  or  favor  which  hospitality  or  humanity  can  dictate  is 
well  secured  to  him. 

Indeed,  our  own  native  citizens,  when  reaching  this  city  from  dis 
tant  sections  of  the  Union,  do  not  receive  the  kindly  aid  which  is  con 
stantly  and  diligently  exercised  for  the  foreign  emigrant.  A  large 
number  of  our  City  Police,  at  great  expense,  have  been  detailed 
especially  for  their  protection,  without  the  treasury  deriving  one 
dollar  in  return  from  any  quarter  whatever.  The  State  has  organized 
a  Board  of  Commissioners,  whose  exclusive  duty  it  is  to  look  after 
nis  welfare,  without  any  pecuniary  consideration  to  the  gentlemen 
comprising  it.  Numerous  private  and  public  institutions  not  only 
watch  over  and  shield  them,  but  provide  employment  and  informa- 


ABOUT  EMIGKANTS.  279 

tion,  with  no  other  reward  than  what  philanthropy  furnishes  ;  and  no 
inconsiderable  portion  of  ray  own  time  is  devoted  to  the  same  objects. 
No  country  has  thrown  around  the  exile  the  same  safeguards,  or 
offered  to  him  the  same  advantages. 

As  the  United  States  is  the  most  favored  nation,  so  has  the  foreign 
emigrant  become  its  most  favored  people.  And,  so  far  as  his  recep 
tion  and  protection  when  arriving  here  are  concerned,  I  apprehend 
there  is  no  disposition  to  alter  this  course  towards  him.  It  is  proper, 
however,  to  add,  that  whilst  this  is  our  policy  generally,  we  are  not 
indifferent  to  the  conduct  of  those  governments,  who,  in  defiance  of 
all  principles  of  courtesy  and  gratitude,  force  upon  us  their  convicts 
and  paupers.  This  we  condemn  and  denounce,  and  at  this  port  shall 
not  be  longer  tolerated.  If  outcasts  from  their  own  countries,  dis 
qualified  either  by  crime,  disease,  or  destitution,  from  the  rights  of 
citizenship  there,  we  do  not  want  them  here.  If  unfit  for  the  less 
enlightened  and  intelligent  countries  of  Continental  Europe,  they  are 
unworthy  of  our  reception.  If  too  degraded  for  European  morality, 
they  have  sunk  too  low  for  American  association.  It  is  not  against 
the  honest  and  industrious  stranger,  who  voluntarily  seeks  our  land 
as  a  refuge  from  oppression,  or  as  developing  better  rewards  for  his 
industry,  that  we  feel  repugnance ;  but  it  is  to  the  depraved,  the 
vicious,  the  indolent,  and  the  diseased  mendicant,  who,  from  a  policy 
as  inhuman  as  it  is  narrow-minded  and  selfish,  are  driven  in  upon  us, 
through  motives  of  mistaken  political  economy. 

It  is  this  practice,  which,  if  continued,  will  lead  not  only  to  the  strin 
gent  measures  you  fear,  but  to  more  serious  results.  It  will  become  a 
source  of  national  difficulty.  In  my  opinion,  the  central  government 
at  Washington  must  take  more  emphatic  cognizance  of  the  subject. 
No  government  can  long  resist  the  public  sentiment  now  forming 
antagonistic  to  it.  It  is  at  Washington  that  the  States  have  cen 
tred  the  control  of  their  foreign  interests  ;  and  it  is  there  that  the 
people  naturally  look  for  relief  from  foreign  aggression.  Nor  does  it, 
in  my  judgment,  call  even  for  congressional  action.  The  Executive, 
it  appears  to  me,  has  ample  power  to  reach  the  evil.  A  decided 
remonstrance,  clothed  in  language  which  could  not  be  misunderstood, 
would  command  respect,  and  accomplish  its  abolition.  The  moral 


280  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

power  of  this  nation,  if  energetically  and  determinedly  exercised,  can 
not  be  disregarded.  If  in  my  humble  sphere,  confined  to  the  narrow 
limits  of  a  municipal  office,  restricted  and  hampered  by  charters  and 
laws,  and  deprived  of  any  real  control  over  the  matter,  I  have  been 
enabled  to  check  in  any  degree  the  sending  of  these  people  here,  to 
how  much  greater  extent  it  could  have  been  accomplished,  provided 
a  similar  policy  had  been  adopted  by  those  possessing  actual  power 
over  our  foreign  relations. 

The  disregard  of  a  diplomatic  technicality,  or  the  unhappy  turning 
of  a  period  in  diplomatic  correspondence,  is  often  made  the  grounds 
of  complaint,  and  sometimes  produces  war.  How  then  should 
it  be,  when  suffering  under  the  infliction  of  a  positive  wrong,  so 
injurious  to  our  national  welfare,  and  so  insulting  to  our  national 
pride  ? 

I  am  glad  that  the  government  of  Switzerland  evinces  so  consider 
ate  a  feeling  and  high  sense  of  honor  on  this  question,  and  it  can  rest 
assured  it  will  not  be  disadvantageous  to  its  citizens,  when  reaching 
this  hospitable  but  much-abused  city. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  much  consideration,  your  fellow- 
citizen,  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

The  Belgian  and  Sardinian  governments  having  on 
hand  a  number  of  convicted  felons  and  incurable  pau 
pers,  and  not  happening  to  be  in  immediate  need  of 
them,  generously  resolved  to  bestow  them,  for  our  edu 
cation,  upon  us.  Our  Mayor,  however,  appears  to  have 
seen  this  proposed  kindness  in  a  different  light  ffoin 
the  amiable  governments  which  originated  it.  He  re 
ceived  the  Belgians  and  put  them  into  the  city  prison ; 
as  for  the  Sardinians,  he  stopped  them  out  at  sea.  Then 
followed  a  hint  to  United  States  Consuls  abroad  to  the 
following  effect,  "  That  an  ounce  of  prevention  is  worth 
a  pound  of  cure,"  and  that  if  they  would  nip  such  emi 
grations  in  the  bud,  they  would  save  the  rulers  here 


ABOUT  EMIGRANTS.  281 

much  trouble  and  the  paternal  governments  over  thero 
the  expense  of  the  voyage. 

The  subjoined  letters  will  show  more  distinctly  the 
exact  features  of  this  case. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW-YORK,  February  14, 1855. 
H.  W.  T.  MALI,  Esq.,  Belgian  Consul,  New-York. 

AFTER  mature  deliberation  and  examination  of  the  testimony  taken 
before  Justice  Bogart,  together  with  additional  information  from  the 
American  consul  at  Antwerp,  just  received,  I  am  reluctantly  forced 
to  the  conclusion,  that  the  persons  now  in  the  city  prison,  who  came 
as  emigrant  passengers  by  the  ship  Rochambeau,  from  Antwerp,  are 
not  of  a  character  to  be  permitted  to  go  at  large  in  this  city  or  in 
this  country,  and  while  we  can  not  set  them  at  liberty,  we  can  not 
longer  retain  them  in  custody.  Some  measures  must  be  adopted  at 
once,  to  relieve  the  city  from  the  expense  of  providing  for  them,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  secure  us  from  the  danger  of  their  presence 
abroad  in  the  country.  Therefore  as  it  is  beyond  question,  from  the 
evidence  before  me,  and  which  is  open  to  your  examination,  that 
they  were  embarked  at  Antwerp  by  the  order  and  at  the  expense  of 
the  Belgian  local  authorities,  I  suggest  that  they  be  returned  to 
their  own  country  at  the  cost  of  the  Belgian  government,  whose 
agent  you  are  in  this  city.  I  see  no  other  recourse.  Humanity  and 
justice  require,  that  they  should  no  longer  be  retained  in  prison  in 
this  city,  where  they  have  committed  no  offense  ;  and  self-preservation 
requires  that  we  should  prevent  them  being  set  at  liberty  here,  with 
a  belief  that  their  presence  would  be  dangerous  to  our  property. 

From  your  high  character  in  this  city,  and  knowledge  and  appre 
ciation  of  our  institutions,  I  am  confident  you  will  comprehend  the 
necessity  which  forces  me  to  take  this  position,  and  promptly  respond 
to  the  request  that  these  people  be  reembarked  for  Antwerp  without 
delay. 

I  am  with  great  respect  your  obedient  servant, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 

P.  S.— The  .ship  Henry  Read,  which  arrived  at  this  port  from 
Antwerp,  10th  instant,  had  on  board  six  or  eight  of  the  same  class 


282  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

of  emigrants,  sent  by  the  Belgian  authorities,  under  the  same  cir 
cumstances  as  those  now  referred  to  per  Eochambeau ;  but  my  in 
formation  of  the  fact,  which  is  official,  did  not  reach  me  until  the 
13th  instant,  when  too  late  to  take  action,  and  they  are  now  in  our 
midst  to  add  to  the  crime  and  destitution  which  surround  me  on  all 
sides.  F.  W. 


MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW-YORE,  January  26, 1855. 
C.  FABBRICOTTI, 

Vice-Consul  of  Sardinia. 

SIR  :  On  the  19th  December  last,  the  Sardinian  frigate,  Des  Ge- 
neys,  commanded  by  the  Chevalier  Mantica,  sailed  from  Genoa  for 
this  port,  having  on  board  over  sixty  persons  intended  to  be  landed 
on  arrival,  who  are  represented  by  competent  authority  through  our 
Department  of  State  at  Washington  to  have  been  objectionable  or 
dangerous  citizens,  some  of  whom  had  been  in  prison  in  Turin  and 
elsewhere.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  emigrants  alluded  to  are  in 
tended  to  be  cast  upon  our  shores  like  others  have  been  under  similar 
circumstances,  to  find  their  way  into  our  prisons  or  alms-houses,  to 
become  a  burden  or  a  pest  upon  this^.  hospitable  but  much-abused 
land.  It  is  my  duty  as  the  chief-magistrate  of  this  city  to  inform 
you,  the  representative  of  the  Sardinian  government  here,  that  if  the 
representations  in  this  case  are  true,  these  outcasts  from  your  country 
shall  not  be  permitted  a  landing  at  this  port.  And  it  is  the  object  of 
this  letter  to  advise  you,  as  you  will  probably  have  immediate  commu 
nication  with  the  commander  of  the  frigate,  that  I  propose  to  institute 
a  rigid  inquiry  on  board  of  the  vessel  as  to  the  past  life  and  present  cir 
cumstances  and  condition  of  each  of  these  persons  before  they  can  come 
on  shore,  and  all  who  had  been  convicts  or  paupers,  whom  it  is  rea 
sonable  to  suppose  will  be  dangerous  citizens,  will  be  excluded 
entirely,  and  for  the  remainder  bonds  must  be  given  that  they  will 
not  become  a  charge  upon  this  country. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  the  Des  Geneys,  I  shall  be  pleased  to  confer 


ABOUT  EMIGEANTS.  283 

with  you  or  the  commander,  as  to  the  mode  of  conducting  the  pro 
posed  examination.          Very  respectfully  yours, 

(Signed,)  FEBNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


CIRCULAR   FORWARDED    TO   UNITED    STATES   CONSULS   IN   EUROPE. 

A 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  April  12, 1855. 

SIR  :  It  has  long  been  the  practice  of  many  of  the  local  authori 
ties  of  several  of  the  continental  European  nations,  not  only  to  en 
courage  the  emigration  to  this  country  of  their  indigent  and  desti 
tute,  but  to  send  here,  at  their  own  expense,  paupers  and  convicts. 

This  city  has  been  made  the  great  entrepot  for  the  delivery  of  these 
outcasts  and  banished  mendicants.  The  authorities  here  have  deter 
mined  to  submit  to  this  no  longer,  and  are  resolved  to  use  every 
means  at  their  command  to  prevent  it  entirely,  if  possible. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Congress  will  at  its  next  session  adopt 
some  preventives  which  will  prove  perfectly  effectual  to  this  end". 
Until  then,  however,  we  must  guard  against  it  as  best  we  may. 

You  will  confer  a  great  favor  upon  this  city  and  upon  the  country 
you  represent  by  aiding  us.  This  can  be  done  by  promptly  commu 
nicating  to  me  all  the  information  in  your  possession  at  any  time, 
relative  to  the  intention  of  the  authorities  of  the  city  to  which  you 
are  accredited  as  consul,  or  any  other  which  you  may  have  reason  to 
think  intend  to  send  this  class  of  people  to  this  country. 

Please  furnish  me  the  names  and  description  of  these  persons,  the 
vessel  by  which  sent;  the  port  of  destination,  and,  if  possible,  evidence 
sufficient  to  fix  the  character  of  the  emigrant. 

In  thus  cooperating  with  the  authorities  of  this  city  to  prevent  an 
evil  which  has  afflicted  us  for  many  years,  and  which  has  heretofore 
been  remonstrated  against  in  vain,  I  am  confident  you  will  but  second 
an  earnest  wish  of  the  general  government  at  Washington. 
Yery  respectfully  yours, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


CHAPTER 


REFORMS    DEMANDED  —  DIFFICULTIES  IN  THE   MAYOR'S   WAY  —  REFORMS 
OBTAINED  —  DAY  IN  THE   MAYOR'S  OFFICE. 

OUR  task  is  nearly  ended.  We  have  shown  in  our 
chapter  on  the  Mayoralty,  page  156,  what  was  the  con 
dition  of  the  city  when  Fernando  Wood  was  elected, 
over  three  other  candidates,  to  its  chief-magistracy. 
We  have  endeavored  in  our  first  chapter  to  show  the 
radical  causes  of  such  a  municipal  condition,  and  the 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  reform,  and  have  now  but  to 
sum  up  the  contents  of  this  volume,  add  a  few  pages, 
and  so  lay  down  the  pen. 

On  the  first  day  of  January,  1855,  Mayor  Wood  took 
his  first  official  survey  of  the  city  he  had  been  called  to 
govern.  He  found  the  public  moneys  shamefully  wasted, 
broken  contracts  paid  for,  ordinances  violated  for  bribes 
or  favoritism.  He  found  the  streets  of  this  great  me 
tropolis  ill-paved,  broken  by  carts  and  omnibuses  into 
ruts  and  perilous  gullies,  obstructed  by  boxes  and  sign 
boards,  impassable  by  reason  of  thronging  vehicles,  and 
filled  with  filth  and  garbage,  which  was  left  where  it 
had  been  thrown,  to  rot  and  send  out  its  pestiferous 
fumes,  breeding  fever  and  cholera,  and  a  host  of  dis- 


REFOKMS  DEMANDED.  285 

eases  all  over  the  city.  He  found  hacks,  carts,  and 
omnibuses  choking  the  thoroughfares,  their  Jehu  drivers 
dashing  through  the  crowd  furiously,  reckless  of  life ; 
women  and  children  were  knocked  down  and  trampled 
on,  and  the  ruffians  drove  on  uncaught ;  hackmen  over 
charged  and  were  insolent  to  their  passengers ;  baggage- 
smashers  haunted  the  docks,  tearing  one's  baggage 
about,  stealing  it  sometimes,  and  demanding  from  timid 
women  and  stranger  men  unnumbered  fees  for  doing 
mischief,  or  for  doing  nothing ;  emigrant  runners,  half- 
bull-dog  and  half-leech,  burst  in  crowds  upon  the  decks 
of  arriving  ships,  carried  off  the  poor  foreign  people, 
fleeced  them,  and  set  them  adrift  upon  the  town  ;  row 
dyism  seemed  to  rule  the  city ;  it  was  at  the  risk  of  your 
life  that  you  walked  the  streets  late  at  night ;  the  club, 
the  knife,  the  slung-shot,  and  revolver  were  in  constant 
activity ;  the  Sunday  low  dram-shops  polluted  the  Sab 
bath  air,  disturbed  its  sacred  stillness,  and  in  the  after 
noon  and  night  sent  forth  their  crowds  of  wretches 
infuriate  with  bad  liquor,  to  howl  out  blasphemies,  to 
fight,  or  to  lie  prone,  swine-like,  on  the  side- walks  and 
in  the  gutters.  Prostitution,  grown  bold  by  impunity, 
polluted  the  public  highway,  brazenly  insolent  to  mod 
esty  and  common  decency ;  and  idle  policemen,  undis 
tinguished  from  other  citizens,  lounged  about,  gaped, 
gossipped,  drank,  and  smoked,  inactively  useless  upon 
street-corners  and  in  porter-houses. 

Mr.  "Wood  had  this  complicated  disease  to  cure. 

Not  an  easy  task ;  for  were  there  not  by  charter  nine 
different,  independent,  sovereign  departments  to  rule  the 
city  ?  Yes ;  and  to  the  legislative  municipal  powers  he 


286  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

looked  in  vain  for  aid :  they  were  too  busy  with  their 
contracts,  with  their  inquiries  about  the  birth-place  of 
city  officers,  with  researches  into  matters  of  no  conse 
quence  to  the  people,  and  they  left  the  chief-magistrate's 
first  prayer  for  help  unnoticed  on  their  table  for  eight 
months.  Besides  all  this,  his  powers  were  undefined,  he 
knew  not  what  he  was  authorized  to  do ;  he  must  take 
the  responsibility  of  assuming  doubtful  powers,  if  he 
were  to  purify  this  pestilential  establishment.  But,  if 
he  did  not  know  his  powers,  his  duties  were  carefully 
set  before  him,  He  is  to  do  manifold  labor  besides 'this 
work  of  reform,  for  he  is  one  of  the  highest  criminal 
Magistrates  in  the  city,  the  Chief  of  the  Police  Depart 
ment,  President  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors,  President 
of  the  Sinking  Fund  Commissioners,  President  of  the 
Police  Commissioners,  President  of  the  Leake  &  Watts' 
Orphan  Asylum,  ex-officio  member  of  Commissioners  of 
Emigration,  President  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the 
Sailors'  Snug  Harbor,  President  of  the  Board  of  Health 
Commissioners,  ex-officio  Director  of  the  New- York  Ju 
venile  Asylum,  ex-officio  member  of  the  Board  of  Trus 
tees  of  the  Astor  Library,  and  ex-officio  Trustee  of  the 
Eastern  Dispensary. 

All  this  does  not  dismay  him ;  he  will  fulfill  punctually 
all  the  duties  of  these  offices,  and  will  do  more — he  will 
accomplish  his  work  of  reform  and  give  good  govern 
ment  to  this  city ;  if  he  can  not  get  aid  from  the  Common 
Council,  then,  with  the  help  of  God  and  his  own  deter 
mined  will.  So  he  established  his  Complaint-Book. 
Those  thousand  little  iniquities  practised  upon  the  poor 
should  also  come  up  before  him,  anfi  he  would  have  just 
ice  done. 


REFORMS  OBTAINED.  287 

He  began  his  work,  and  if  he  has  not  arrived  at  per 
fection,  let  us  remember  he  has  worked  alone.  But  not 
before,  in  our  time,  have  the  streets  been  clean  and  un 
obstructed  as  now ;  the  records  of  the  Health  Commis 
sioners'  office  show  an  unexampled  improvement  in  the 
sanitary  condition  of  the  city ;  the  Complaint-Book  has 
taught  the  hackman  to  be  legal  in  his  charges  and  civil 
to  his  passengers ;  the  cartman  and  omnibus  man  have 
learned  to  stop  racing,  and  to  drive  without  running 
over  pedestrians ;  he  has  placed  policemen  at  the  most 
frequented  crossings,  to  stop  from  time  to  time  the  tor 
rent  of  vehicles  until  the  pedestrians  gathered  on  the 
sidewalks  can  cross ;  he  has  smashed  the  baggage-smash 
er,  and  rescued  the  poor  emigrant  from  the  clutches  of 
the  brutal  runner;  he  has  seen  the  wronged  sewing- 
woman  and  poor  servant-girl  righted ;  he  has  made  at 
least  the  more  frequented  streets  as  safe  by  night  as  in 
the  day-time ;  he  closed  the  vile  Sunday  dram-shops  till 
the  Legislature  at  Albany  took  his  power  away,  and 
threw  them  open  again;,  and  he  has  done  all  this  by 
the  help  of  the  Police  which  he  has  re-created— of  which 
he  has  made  a  splendid  regiment  of  uniformed,  disci 
plined,  military,  and  useful  men,  his  own  glory  and  the 
pride  of  the  city. 

Nothing  has  been  too  small  to  attract  his  notice  and 
action ;  nothing  so  great  as  not  to  claim  his  attention  to 
the  utmost  limit  of  his  power ;  he  has  shown  that  when 
ever  a  law  exists  it  can  be  executed ;  he  has  proved 
that  abuses  can  be  reformed ;  he  has  convinced  despair 
ing  New-Yorkers  that  their  great  and  beautiful  city  can 
be  well  governed ;  he  has  taught  the  Common  Council 


288  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

by  stern,  peremptory  vetoes,  that  the  public  moneys  shall 
not  be  wasted ;  and  he  has  gained  for  himself  the  reso 
lute  good  opinion,  admiration,  and  lasting  respect  of 
the  moral  and  religious  world,  of  the  truly  temperate, 
of  the  protection-seeking  Downer  of  vast  property,  and 
of  the  poor  man,  whose  interests  he  has  so  carefully  con 
sidered.  But  he  has  mortally  and,  I  trust,  irremediably 
offended  the  professor  of  rowdyism,  cheatery,  and  vio 
lence,  as  well  as  the  ultra-fanatic  and  the  small  politician, 
who  has  been  crazed  and  blinded  by  an  unreasoning 
partisanship. 

"We  will  close  this  chapter  with  an  extract  from  the 
New- York  Courier  &  Enquirer,  which  gives  an  admirable 
idea  of  "A  Day  in  the  Mayor's  Office:" 

We  saw  the  Mayor  on  the  5th  day  of  February,  1855,  in  the  City 
Hall,  and  we  now  give  a  faithful  chronicle  of  all  that  there  occurred 
during  the  regular  hours  of  his  sitting  to  listen  to  the  complaints  and 
petitions  of  citizens,  and  issue  his  orders  for  the  government  of  the 
city. 

Although  quite  early  in  the  morning,  and  the  Mayor  had  but  just 
arrived,  a  crowd  is  waiting  for  him  in  the  passage  of  the  City  Hall 
leading  to  the  apartments  allotted  to  his  use.  It  is  a  motley  crowd, 
mostly  men,  a  few  women,  and  representing  fairly,  in  almost  every 
grade,  the  varied  population  of  the  city.  With  a  part  of  the  crowd 
we  enter,  and  are  within  what  is  called  the  Mayor's  office.  No  grandeur 
meets  the  eye — nothing  but  two  rooms,  plain  in  architecture  and  furni 
ture,  but  with  lofty  ceilings — the  one  large  and  spacious,  the  other 
halLthe  size  of  the  first — the  greater  part  of  the  first  railed  off,  leaving 
an  open  space  on  a  line  with  the  outer  door  —  within  the  rail,  full  of 
desks  and  clerks  —  without  the  rail,  the  crowd  seeking  an  interview 
with  the  Mayor.  At  the  outer  door,  police  officers  with  shining  stars  ; 
at  the  door  of  the  rail,  more  stars  ;  and  at  the  door  of  the  smaller 
room,  another  star,  to  usher  you  into  the  municipal  sanctum — clerks 


A.  DAY  IN  THE  MAYOR'S  OFFICE.   *  289 

all  polite  and  attentive,  stars  very  benignant— all  very  orderly  and 
noiseless  in  their  movements,  but  brisk  and  prompt — a  spirit,  in  fact, 
of  orderly  and  noiseless  energy  in  the  outer  room,  marking  a  ruling 
spirit  of  the  same  character  beyond  in  the  inner  chamber.  Such  are 
all  the  pomp  and  grandeur  of  the  Mayor's  office  in  its  various  appoint 
ments.  But  we  are  within  the  inner  chamber,  and  in  the  presence  of 
the  Mayor. 

A  slight  figure  of  a  man  with  features  pale  but  strongly  marked, 
particularly  about  the  mouth,  on  the  compressed  lips  of  which  great 
firmness  is  legibly  written,  is  seated  in  a  plain  oak  chair,  covered 
with  green  silk  velvet,  before  an  equally  plain  mahogany  counting- 
house  table. 

Thus  sat  the  Hon.  Fernando  Wood,  Mayor  of  the  City  of  New- 
York,  President  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors,  President  of  the  Board 
of  Sinking-Fund  Commissioners,  President  of  the  Board  of  Police 
Commissioners,  President  of  the  Leake  &  "Watts'  Orphan  Asylum, 
ex-officio  Member  of  the  Board  of  Emigrant  Commissioners,  Mem 
ber  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  Sailors'  Snug  Harbor,  Director  of 
the  New-York  Juvenile  Asylum,  Member  of  the  Board  of  Trustees 
of  the  Astor  Library,  in  his  chair  of  state,  in  the  inner  chamber  of 
his  office  in  the  City  Hall. 

"  Mr.  H.,  I  wish  to  know  when  the  taxes  on  this  property  were 
paid,  or  whether  they  were  paid  at  all.  I  wish  to  know  all  about  it. 
Can  you  inform  me?" 

These  words  of  the  Mayor,  in  a  business-like  and  yet  polite  tone, 
were  addressed  to  a  gentlemanly-looking  little  man,  who,  taking  the 
slips  of  paper  which  the  Mayor  held  out  to  him,  answered  in  the 
same  prompt  manner  in  which  he  had  been  addressed,  that  he  thought 
he  could  get  the  information  of  another  official  whom  he  named,  and 
then  disappeared. 

At  the  same  moment  the  police  star  shone  at  the  door,  and  an 
elderly  man,  tall  in  person  and  dignified  in  appearance,  was  ushered 
in.  He  held  in  his  hand  a  small  bundle  of  slips  of  paper,  the  peculiar 
form  of  the  printing  and  writing  on  which  would  strongly  suggest  to 
any  one  conversant  with  financial  matters,  the  idea  of  bank-checks. 
And  bank-checks  they  were,  signed  by  one  city  official,  and  wanting 

13 


290  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

only  the  signature  of  another  to  raise  their  real  value  to  that  repre 
sented  by  the  figures  on  their  faces.  The  signature  wanting  was  the 
Mayor's.  He  took  them  from  the  hand  of  the  elderly  man,  but  he 
did  not  take  it  for  granted  that  they  were  all  right,  and  place  his  sig 
nature  upon  them  as  if  it  was  a  matter  of  mere  form.  He  examined 
them  carefully  one  by  one,  and  after  a  few  questions,  satisfied  that  all 
was  correct,  placed  his  name  upon  them.  The  checks  were  connected 
with  the 'payment  of  street  commissioners,  which  led  to  a  brief  con 
versation  on  the  street  department  of  the  city  government  generally, 
in  which  the  Mayor  spoke  openly  of  the  crying  abuses  in  that  depart 
ment,  in  the  way  of  the  sinecures  enjoyed  by  many  street-inspectors, 
and  the  loose  manner  in  which  it  was  customary  to  pay  street  com 
missioners  before  the  work  was  done.  He  expressed  his  determina 
tion  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  remedy  the  evil,  and  declared  he  would 
not  sign  any  warrant  for  payment  in  certain  cases,  until  every  require 
ment  of  the  law  was  complied  with  from  the  beginning  to  the  end, 
no  matter  what  had  been  the  custom,  and  no  matter  what  any  other 
official  or  other  branch  of  the  city  government  said  to  the  contrary. 
His  tone  was  firm  although  pleasant,  and  the  elderly  gentleman  with 
the  checks,  evidently  thinking  the  Mayor  was  right  and  knew  what 
he  was  about,  departed. 

The  foot  of  the  elderly  gentleman  had  not  yet  crossed  the  threshold, 
when  there  was  another  entrance,  and  this  time  it  was  a  captain  of 
police.  There  was  a  complaint  about  the  removal  of  some  men  de 
tailed  at  his  office,  to  duty  in  a  different  direction,  and  the  Mayor  said  : 

"  Altogether  too  many  detailed  men,  sir,  about  the  Department, 
weakening  the  strength  of  the  force  that  should  be  on  active  duty  in 
the  wards  ;  170  men  detailed  about  the  courts,  for  instance,  besides 
those  detailed  for  private  interests.  I  shall  endeavor  to  remedy  it. 
If  railroads,  or  any  other  interests,  want  policemen  for  their  special 
benefit,  let  them  pay  the  city  for  it.  I  could  throw  $40,000  a  year 
into  the  City  Treasury  by  this  means,  whereas  now  the  city  loses  by 
the  operation  of  these  private  detailed  policemen."  And  the  Mayor, 
after  saying  more  on  this  subject,  arranged  the  matter  in  hand  with 
the  captain  of  police  apparently  to  his  satisfaction,  and  the  latter 
also  took  his  leave. 


A  DAY  IN  THE  MAYOR'S  OFFICE.  291 

Two  policemen  now  entered  the  room,  and  it  was  evident  that 
something  of  an  unusual  occurrence  was  on  hand.  It  was  soon  de 
veloped.  A  complaint  had  been  made  against  the  two  policemen  for 
an  ofiense  of  a  very  aggravated  character.  The  Mayor  had  sent  for 
them,  and  they  were  now  present. 

"  Tell  your  story,  sir,"  said  the  Mayor  ;  and  the  man  told  it  in  a 
straightforward  manner.  The  Mayor  looked  keenly  on  him  during 
the  recital,  and  frequently  interrupted  him  to  put  some  searching 
questions. 

"  This  case  is  one  of  the  gravest  importance,"  said  the  Mayor  when 
the  man  had  finished, "  and  shall  be  thoroughly  investigated.  I  refer 
it  over  to  the  Commissioners  of  Police." 

There  was  next  ushered  in  an  individual  whose  general  appearance 
might  be  described  as  one  of  the  "  unwashed."  On  his  hands  and 
face,  black  seemed  to  be  contending  with  flesh-color  for  the  possession 
of  the  ground,  and  the  contest  was  of  such  an  equal  nature  as  to  leave 
the  spectator  in  doubt  as  to  which  had  the  mastery.  The  glance  of 
the  man's  eye,  which  shone  out  from  the  dirt  of  his  thick,  heavy 
features,  was  restless  and  uneasy,  and  fell  beneath  the  gaze  of  the 
Mayor. 

"  Here  again,  sir,"  said  the  latter  ;  "  I  thought  I  gave  you  sufficient 
warning.  I  am  determined  to  put  down  all  these  junk-shops,  which 
are  nothing  but  the  nurseries  of  young  thieves.  Mr.  Ming !" 

"  Sure  your  Honor  I  kape  a  respictable  shop,"  interrupted  the  man 
in  a  rapid  voice ;  but  the  Mayor's  hand  had  struck  a  small  bell  on 
the  table  before  him,  and  Mr.  Ming  was  in  the  room  in  an  instant. 

"  Eevoke  that  man's  license !"  said  the  Mayor  ;  and  at  the  same 
time  a  star  shone  at  the  side  of  him  of  the  "  unwashed,"  and  the  star 
lighted  him  from  the  presence  of  the  Mayor. 

"  I  come,  Mr.  Mayor,  to  complain  of  a  den  of  thieves  in street. 

It  professes  to  be  a  public-house,  and  has,  I  am  informed,  a  license;- 
but  it  is  the  resort  of  burglars,  and  from  it  they  issue  on  the  roofs  of 
the  houses  on  the  same  block,  and  come  down  through  the  scuttles 
to  rob  them.  One  was  robbed  last  night,  and  one  a  night  or  two 
ago." 

Such  was  the  address  of  a  middle-aged  gentleman  to  the  Mayor, 


292  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

the  moment  the  junk-shop  delinquent  had  left.  The  Mayor  touched 
the  bell. 

"  Mr.  Hinchman,"  said  he,  to  the  gentleman  who  answered  the 

summons,  "  ascertain,  if  you  please,  if  the  house  in street  has  a 

license,  and  in  the  mean  time,  send  for  the  captain  of  the Ward 

Police.  Have  the  goodness  to  wait  a  moment,  Mr. ;"  and  the 

complainant  of  the  resort  of  thieves  gave  place  to  a  short,  thick-set 
man,  with  an  immense  pair  of  black  whiskers,  who,  pulling  a  pawn- 
ticket  from  his  pocket,  said  : 

"  I  have  been  cheated,  your  Honor,  by  this  pawnbroker ;"  and  the 
man  then  told  a  long  story  about  his  pawning  a  cap  for  six  shillings, 
and  pawning  other  articles,  and  getting  no  ticket  nor  money  for  the 
cap.  The  Mayor  listened  attentively,  took  the  ticket,  looked  at  it, 
and  then  handed  it  over  to  one  of  his  clerks,  with  the  direction  that 
he  would  inquire  into  the  matter,  as  there  must  be  some  mistake 
about  it,  for  the  pawnbroker  complained  of  was  one  of  the  most 
respectable  of  his  class. 

The  next  visitors  to  the  Mayor,  who  were  ushered  into  his  pre 
sence,  were  two  gentlemen,  one  of  whom  took  from  his  pocket  a  for 
midable-looking  document,  and  made  known  his  business  as  follows  : 

"  Mr.  Mayor,  I  have  been  appointed  an  auctioneer,  and  my  secu 
rities  live  in county,  and  are  not  here  to  justify.  I  wish  for 

some  advice  how  I  shall  proceed." 

"  Go  by  the  law,  my  friend,"  answered  the  Mayor,  pleasantly ;  "  I 
can  not  help  you  in  that  particular ;  the  law  points  out  the  course  for 
you  to  pursue,  and  you  have  only  to  take  legal  advice  and  follow  it ;" 
and  the  newly-appointed  auctioneer,  with  his  friend,  bowed  and  re 
tired. 

"  Please,  sir,  I  hire  a  house  of  Mr. for dollars.  I  pay  him 

one  month's  advance — I  can  not  pay  him  this  month  in  advance,  the 
times  is  hard — I  agree  to  pay  him  in  advance,  but  I  can  not  pay  him 
for  this  month  until  next  month.  But  he  says  I  must  go  out ;  what 
shall  I  do  ?" 

Thus  spoke,  in  a  slightly  foreign  accent,  a  man  dressed  very  plainly, 
and  apparently  belonging  to  the  working  classes.  He  had  stood 
ready  with  a  friend  who  accompanied  him,  to  occupy  the  attention 


A  DAY  IN  THE  MAYOR'S  OFFICE.  293 

of  the  Mayor  as  soon  as  the  auctioneer  left.  In  order  that  the  Mayor 
should  not  fail  to  be  fully  informed  of  all  the  particulars  of  the  case, 
his  friend  repeated,  with  a  few  additions,  the  story  of  the  rent,  and 
then  awaited  an  answer  with  eager  looks. 

"  My  friend,"  said  the  Mayor,  u  I  can  not  help  you ;  you  must 
keep  your  contract,  I  see  no  other  help  for  you." 

The  rent  man,  with  a  disappointed  air,  retired  with  his  friend.  He 
evidently  had  expected  something  like  an  order  from  the  Mayor  com 
manding  the  landlord  to  suffer  him  to  remain  in  the  house  whether  lie 
paid  or  not 

At  this  moment,  the  captain  of Ward  Police,  who  had  been 

sent  for  in  reference  to  the  house  in street,  where  the  thieves 

resorted,  made  his  appearance  before  the  Mayor. 

"  Do  you  know  any  thing  of  this  house,  and  the  character  of  its 
inmates  ?"  said  the  Mayor. 

"  Yes,  sir,  I  believe  it  has  a  license  as  a  public  house,  but  it  has  a 
bad  character."  A  clerk  here  entered  and  informed  the  Mayor  that 
the  house  was  licensed. 

"  Kevoke  the  license,"  said  the  Mayor  to  the  clerk,  "  and  you,  Cap 
tain,  will  please  to  attend  to  this  house  at  once.  Send  some  one 
there  immediately.  I  expect  you  will  do  what  is  necessary  in  the 
premises,  and  for  the  protection  of  that  block  of  houses  which  seems 
now  to  be  so  exposed;"  and  thus  the  Mayor  disposed  of  the  "Resort 
of  Thieves"  in street  for  the  present. 

"  Dis  voman's  huspan  peen  in  jail  'leven  day — no  preat — no  money 
— no  noting — and  have  five  leetle  chiltren — speak  no  English,  and 
vants  her  huspan  pe  let  from  ter  jail," 

These  words  were  addressed  to  the  Mayor  by  his  next  visitor,  a 
short,  fat  German,  coarsely  clad,  who  held  his  hat  respectfully  in  one 
hand,  while  with  the  other  he  motioned  to  a  woman  who  accompa 
nied  him  to  step  up  nearer  to  the  table,  as  if  he  wanted  the  Mayor  to 
have  a  better  view  of  her. 

"  And  her  hand  is  no  goot,"  he  continued,  as  the  woman  complied 
with  his  request  and  stepped  up  in  fuller  view  of  the  Mayor. 

A  curious  little  figure  was  the  poor  German  woman  who  came 
to  beg  her  husband  from  the  prison.  Short  and  thick-set,  as  wide 


294:  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD.* 

as  she  was  long,  and  not  much  shape  in  breadth  or  width,  repul 
sively  plain  in  feature,  and  yet  the  repulsion  softened  by  the  tears 
which  streamed  down  her  eyes  turned  imploringly  on  the  Mayor. 
One  of  her  hands  was  bound  up  in  a  dirty  cloth,  and  rested  ia  a 
sling  formed  of  a  still  dirtier,  handkerchief. 

"What  is  her  husband's  name?"  asked  the  Mayor. 

"  Conrad — and  there  ish  another  man  vat  has  got  a  woman  vat  is 
in  te  jail  too." 

"  Ah !  I  recollect— the  bone-boilers  in street,  to  whom  I  gave 

warning  ;  well,  I'll  send  for  them,  and  see  if  they  have  had  punish 
ment  enough  ;"  and  the  Mayor  touched  his  bell,  and  gave  orders  to 
have  the  men  brought  from  the  prison. 

The  German  wife  and  her  friend  were  then  escorted  by  the  star 
to  the  outer  room,  and  an  ex-Senator  and  a  member  of  the  Assembly 
of  the  State  of  New- York,  were  then  introduced. 

The  ex-Senator  called,  he  said,  simply  to  pay  his  respects  to  the 
Mayor,  and  thank  him  for  the  manly  and  energetic  manner  in  which 
he  was  enforcing  the  laws  for  the  benefit  of  the  city  of  New-York, 
and  he  was  happy  to  pay  his  tribute  of  respect.  The  Assemblyman 
called  also  to  pay  his  respects.  A  brief  conversation  followed,  in 
which  the  Mayor  said  he  was  determined  to  enforce  all  the  laws,  and 
make  New- York  as  distinguished  for  order  as  it  has  been  for  disor 
der.  As  for  shutting  up  the  liquor  places  on  Sunday,  he  should  pur 
sue  it  to  the  very  end  of  the  law,  make  it  a  personal  matter,  if  neces 
sary,  and  indict  every  place  disobeying,  if  he  could  not  reach  them 
in  any  other  way.  But  he  was  happy  to  say  that,  in  most  instances, 
he  had  been  successful,  and  most  all  had  yielded.  The  Fourth  and 
Sixth  Wards  gave  him  the  most  trouble,  for  their  representatives  in 
the  Common  Council  would  not  cooperate  with  him.  But  he  should 
go  on  to  the  end  undeterred.  Something  was  said  concerning  the 
Change  for  the  better  which  had  taken  place  in  the  police  since  he 
came  into  power.  The  Mayor  observed  that  he  considered  the  police 
his  right  arm,  but  he  must  have  control  of  them.  A  movement  was 
now  on  foot  in  the  Legislature  to  render  him  a  blank  either  in  their 
appointment  or  control,  and  if  it  should  prevail,  it  would  deprive  him 
of  one  of  his  strongest  aids  to  introduce  and  keep  good  order  in  the 


A  DAY  IN  THE  MAYOR'S  OFFICE.  295 

city.  The  movement  is  to  have  four  Commissioners  of  Police  elect 
ive  by  the  people,  making  him  the  fifth  Commissioner.  The  Mayor 
considers  it  an  effort  to  palsy  his  arm  of  power,  and  that  the  practical 
workings  of  such  a  law  would  produce  such  a  result. 

The  two  bone-boilers  now  arrived  in  charge  of  policemen,  and  the 
visitors  took  their  leave. 

Shaggy  and  wild  looked  the  two  bone-boilers  as  they  stood  before 
the  Mayor,  twirling  their  caps,  while  meekly  beside  them  stood  the 
iittle,  broad  wife,  with  the  tears  rolling  down  her  brown,  coarse 
cheeks,  and  falling  on  the  bound-up  hand  in  the  sling. 

The  Mayor  touched  his  bell.  "  Call  Mr.  Semlar,"  he  said,  and 
Mr.  Semlar,  of  the  Emigrant  Department  of  the  Mayor's  office,  was 
before  him  almost  instantly. 

"  Mr.  Semlar,  ask  them  if  they  have  had  enough  of  the  prison." 

Mr.  Semlar  put  the  questidn  in  German,  and  two  hearty  yaws 
were  heard,  which  were  only  exceeded  in  emphatic  accent  by  an  ener 
getic  and  rapid  bobbing  of  two  heads,  which  showed  that  the  whole 
souls  of  the  two  bone-boilers  were  in  the  yaws  and  the  bobs, 

u  Now  ask  them  whether  they  will  ever  repeat  the  offense." 

Two  neins,  and  the  shaking  of  two  heads,  characterized  by  the 
same  heartiness  and  energy  as  the  yaws  and  the  bobbings,  were  the 
answer,  and  the  broad,  little  wife,  locked  the  only  arm  she  had  at 
command  in  that  of  her  husband,  and  escorted  him  away  in  joy,  fol 
lowed  by  the  other  German  whose  wife  had  not  honored  the  Mayor 
with  her  presence. 

The  next  visitor  was  the  Chief  of  Police.  He  came  dressed  in  full 
police  uniform,  and  after  respectfully  saluting  the  Mayor  was  seen 
in  a  deep  consultation  with  him,  which  was  conducted  in  a  low  tone, 
but  with  great  earnestness  on  both  sides.  It  had  reference  to  the 
arrest  of  two  prize-fighters,  and  the  next  day  developed  the  evidence 
how  watchful  and  prompt  the  Mayor  had  been  in  preventing  a  most 
disgraceful  and  brutal  scene  taking  place  in  the  neighborhood  of 
New- York.  The  prize-fight  between  John  Leese  and  Frank  Mclu- 
tyre,  which  was  to  come  off  that  day  at  Parker's  Island,  in  the 
East  River,  was  effectually  stopped,  and  Leese  safely  locked  up  in  a 
prison. 


296  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

A  lady  and  two  gentlemen  entered  immediately  on  the  departure 
of  the  Chief. 

"  This  lady  has  been  most  shamefully  defrauded  and  robbed  by 
those  who  pretended  to  be  her  friends,"  commenced  one  of  the  gentle 
men,  "  but  perhaps  she  had  better  tell  the  story  herself." 

The  lady  was  on  the  point  of  speaking,  when  the  Mayor  waved  his 
hand. 

"  "With  all  respect,"  he  said  pleasantly,  "  I  would  suggest  that  the 
gentleman  tell  the  story ;  you  ladies,  in  such  matters,  are  apt,  some 
times,  to  go  a  good  way  around  before  you  get  at  the  point." 

And  the  gentleman  told  the  story.  The  lady's  father  was  dead, 
and  had  left  her  heir  to  a  gun,  an  invention  of  his  own.  It  had 
eleven  barrels,  could  be  loaded  at  the  breech,  and  would  fire  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty  shots  a  minute.  Two  pretended  friends  had  obtained 
from  her  possession  of  this  gun,  by  false  representations,  and  she 
came  for  redress.  Such  in  brief  was  her  story. 

"  Write  out  an  affidavit,  and  bring  it  to  me,  properly  executed, 
and  I  will  order  their  arrest  at  once :  the  case  seems  an  aggravated 
one,"  promptly  said  the  Mayor  ;  and  the  parties  departed  to  follow 
his  directions. 

There  were  several  other  complaints  made  during  the  Mayor's  sit 
ting,  but  we  have  given  the  principal  features  of  the  day.  Among 
the  last  persons  who  claimed  the  attention  of  his  Honor,  was  a  man 
bearing  a  beautiful  white  satin  flag,  with  the  arms  of  the  city  em 
broidered  on  it  in  blue  and  silver.  It  is  a  flag  which  he  intends  using 
in  boarding,  whenever  he  sees  fit,  vessels  entering  the  harbor. 

As  the  clock  struck  two,  the  Mayor  ordered  the  doors  to  be  closed, 
and  of  course  we  closed  our  "  Day  at  the  Mayor's  Office." 


CHAPTER,    XVII. 


FERXAXDO   WOOD. 


THE  personal  appearance  of  the  Mayor  of  the  city  of 
New- York  is  considerably  indicative  of  his  character. 
He  is  about  five  feet  eleven  in  height,  spare,  but  wiry 
and  strong  in  build,  and  very  erect,  rather  military  indeed, 
in  carriage.  The  head,  not  large  but  distinctly  charac 
terized,  shows  strong  will,  perceptiveness,  combination, 
and  decision  ;  the  well-opened  blue  eye  is  calm,  except 
for  an  occasional  sparkle  of  fun ;  the  forehead  is  rather 
high  than  broad,  giving  the  imaginative  qualities  less 
room  than  the  more  purely  rational  ones.  The  mouth 
is  straight  and  firm,  and  the  lips  apt  to  be  compressed ; 
and  the  under  jaw,  in  which,  with  the  mouth,  the  great 
character  of  the  face  lies,  is  massive  and  of  iron  strength ; 
eloquent  of  will,  energy,  and  great  capacity  of  endur 
ance. 

His  voice  is  kind  and  well-toned,  but  lacks  all  impuls 
ive  intonations— -is  rather  a  grave  voice,  denoting  either 
lack  of  quick  passions,  or  great  and  habitual  control 
over  them.  His  manner  is  suave  and  courteous;  in 
business  hours  you  are  struck  with  the  courtesy  wfth 
which  he  gives  you  his  closest  attention,  but  when  your 
13* 


298  BIOGRAPHY   OF   FERNANDO   WOOD. 

business  with  him  is  over,  lie  turns  away  at  once  and  unaf 
fectedly  to  other  occupations.  He  does  not  bow  when 
he  speaks  to  you,  but  standing  perfectly  erect  puts  out 
his  hand  to  you,  looking  fully  though  kindly  into  your 
eyes.  While  you  are  stating  your  case,  he  does  not 
weigh  the  matter  as  you  proceed,  but  is  altogether  ab 
sorbed  in  listening,  and  when  you  have  finished  speaking 
he  keeps  silence  for  a  moment  and  then  decides.  To 
that  decision,  if  you  adduce  no  new  contra-arguments, 
he  remains  inflexibly  firm. 

This  physique  and  manner  reveal  his  predominant 
moral  qualities,  which  are,  great  self-command,  physical 
and  moral  courage,  quick  appreciation  and  decision,  pro 
digious  energy,  and  a  resolute  unshakenness  of  will  that 
nearly  approaches  to  obstinacy.  To  relieve  these  sterner 
traits,  he  has  an  intense  love  for  children  and  a  quick 
and  genial  though  not  much  practised  sense  of  humor 
and  relish  of  fun. 

Politically,  Mr.  "Wood  is  a  Democrat.  The  struggle 
which  has  existed  for  years  between  the  sections  of 
that  party  in  the  State  of  New- York  is  well  known.  It 
is  unnecessary  to  allude  to  the  causes  here.  The  antago 
nism  has  been  violent,  the  acrimony  bitter :  it  reached 
every  member  of  the  party  who  was  forced  to  participate 
to  some  extent  in  the  strife.  No  man  of  any  conse 
quence  could  avoid  becoming  embroiled  in  it.  Mr. 
Wood  had  always  been  identified  with  the  Democratic 
party,  was  its  candidate  for  Congress  in  1840,  and  for 
the  Mayoralty  in  1850.  He  did  not,  however,  sympa 
thize  with  the  violent  men  of  either  of  the  contending 
factions ;  nor  has  he  been  identified  with  a  clique  nor 


FEKNANDO  WOOD.  299 

known  as  a  mere  hanger-on  to 'greater  men.  He  has 
been  the  follower  of  no  aspirant  after  the  Presidency, 
but  has  contented  himself  by  giving  a  consistent  sup 
port  to  the  regular  nominees  of  his  party,  as  they  were 
duly  put  forth  by  the  regular  National  Convention. 

In  1848,  he  supported  Lewis  Cass  as  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  President.  But  in  the  conflicts  of  his 
party  he  took  little  part,  believing  that  so  far  as  regards 
the  principles  for  which  this  party  was  distinguished, 
there  was  no  distinction  nor  division  of  opinion.  He 
could  not  really  be  called  "Hard"  or  "  Soft,"  though  a 
member  of  the  latter  organization  and  in  full  commun 
ion  with  it.  The  confidence  which  both  sections  placed 
in  him  was  evinced  upon  the  occasion  of  his  last  nomi 
nation  for  Mayor.  Although  each  had  a  separate 
nominating  convention,  and  though  each  held  a  hostile 
attitude  towards  the  other,  yet  both  concurred  in  nomi 
nating  him  their  candidate  without  any  effort  or  solici 
tation  upon  his  part. 

No  greater  mark  of  confidence  could  have  been  given, 
nor  is  there  another  man  in  the  party  who  could  have 
commanded  it.  It  was  a  compliment  to  his  personal 
character  and  eminent  abilities  rather  than  to  his  identity 
with  the  strifes  of  either  faction,  although  no  doubt,  the 
leaders  on  both  sides  saw  in  his,  an  available  name 
which  they  desired  to  secure  to  aid  their  candidates  for 
other  offices. 

In  national  politics,  Mr.  Wood's  opinions  are  purely 
republican,  inclining  more  towards  those  of  Washington 
as  gathered  from  the  writings  of  that  great  man,  than 
towards  those  of  any  other  statesman  of  this  country.  He 


300  BIOGKAPHY  OF  FEKNANDO  WOOD. 

is  withal  a  strict  Constitutionalist,  believing  in  no  latitudi- 
narian  experiments  upon  the  meaning  of  the  Constitu 
tion  ;  and  he  would  maintain  with  rigid  firmness,  the 
rights,  prerogatives,  and  local  political  individualities  of 
the  States.  He  is  thoroughly  a  State  Eights  man.  On 
the  old  party  issues,  National  Bank,  Tariff,  Distribution 
of  the  proceeds  of  sales  of  Public  Lands,  Sub-Treasury, 
etc.,  he  has  not  changed  his  opinion,  but  still  adheres  to 
the  position  of  the  Democratic  party  in  1840.  As  for 
the  Tariff,  he  not  only  looks  on  protection  as  unconsti 
tutional  but  looks  upon  absolute  free-trade  as  essential 
to  the  continued  prosperity  of  the  country ;  without  it, 
indeed,  he  believes  that  the  city  of  New- York  can  not 
continue  her  present  advance  towards  greatness  and 
power,  while  with  it  he  believes  that  not  the  city  only 
will  prosper  in  a  far  greater  progressive  ratio  than  here 
tofore. 

Therefore  he  would  desire  an  immediate  material  re 
duction  of  the  Tariff  and  a  gradual  abolition  of  it  alto 
gether.  In  foreign  affairs  he  would  not  only  maintain 
the  Monroe  doctrine  of  non-intervention,  but  would, 
without  waiting  for  exchange  of  diplomatic  courtesies, 
resent  any  affront  to  the  flag  or  honor  of  his  country. 
He  would  carry  no  grievance  to  the  footstool  of  king  or 
queen,  but  by  a  bold,  instant,  armed  resentment,  would 
let  the  demand  for  explanation  come  from  the  offended 
dignity  of  the  other  side.  He  could  defend  an  act  of 
reprisal  better  than  he  could  ask  from  royalty  repara 
tion  for  an  injury  to  American  commerce  or  honor. 

In  the  maintenance  of  a  nation's  interests,  he  can  see 
no  other  principles  of  government  than  those  acted  upon 


FERNANDO  WOOD.  301 

by  him  in  commanding  the  observance  of  municipal 
laws.  In  both  is  required  the  exercise  of  a  firm  power? 
a  strong  will,  a  manly  spirit,  and  an  invariable  official 
fidelity. 

The  characteristics  and  principles  of  the  Mayor,  and 
the  determined  action  which  has  been  guided  by  him, 
have  not  been  without  their  reward.  There  are  those 
who  still  blame  him  for  not  doing  what  the  Legislature 
has  taken  away  his  power  to  do ;  and  for  what  the  Com 
mon  Council  will  not  give  him  its  necessary  help  in ;  but 
throughout  the  city  and  country  we  do  not  fear  to  be 
lieve  that  there  is  nowhere  a  more  completely  popular 
man.  It  is  a  mistake  to  judge  of  a  man's  popularity  by 
what  the  noisy  classes  say ;  the  deep  heart  of  the  people 
is  still,  impressions  remain  on  it,  judgment  is  not  guided 
by  partisan  feeling,  observation  is  unprejudiced,  and 
therefore  quiet  and  close.  And  such  men  and  women 
have  given  their  admiration  and  respect  to  Mr.  "Wood. 

All  classes,  political,  social,  religious,  moral,  con 
tribute  to  ^  swell  this  host  of  his  admirers.  Municipal 
and  other  officers  have  come  or  sent  from  every  part  of 
the  Union  to  ask  the  secret  of  his  government  and  to 
imitate  it,  and  his  immense  executive  ability  has  been 
generally  recognized. 

Nay,  even  in  Europe  he  is  spoken  of.  Various  Con 
tinental  papers  have  contained  eulogistic  articles  on  the 
man  who  has  done  so  much  for  New- York.  A  dis 
tinguished  American  artist,  just  returned  from  Borne, 
says,  that  Fernando  Wood  is  become  a  household  word 
in  the  mouths  of  the  citizens  of  this  country  now  living 
in  the  Eternal  City.  Ex-President  Yan  Buren,  in  his  late 


302  BIOGRAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD. 

journey  through  the  wild  mountain  region  of  Wales,  was 
asked  in  a  little  wayside  inn,  by  the  landlord,  particulars 
of  the  appearance  and  manner  and  peculiarities  of.  the 
man  whom  they  had  learned  to  venerate. 

In  the  Mayor's  late  journey  westward  through  a  por 
tion  of  the  State,  this  quiet  popular  feeling  had  an 
opportunity  to  evince  itself.  Mr.  Wood  was  thoroughly 
worn  out  with  the  multitudinous  duties  of  his  office, 
and  determined  to  seek  repose  for  a  few  days  at  Sarato 
ga,  Lake  George,  etc.  At  the  Springs,  where  throngs 
of  people  from  every  part  of  the  United  States  were 
found,  he  was  received  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm; 
public  dinners  were  tendered  to  him,  congratulations 
offered,  and  public  thanks  given  for  his  great  services  in 
the  cause  of  municipal  reform. 

On  his  road  to  Lake  George,  whither  he  went  (by 
invitation  from  a  committee  of  gentlemen  from  that 
region)  partly  in  the  cars  and  partly  in  a  carriage,  his 
progress  was  a  sort  of  triumphal  march.  The  people 
came  out  from  their  houses  to  cheer  him,  and  at  every 
little  village  he  found  a  huzzaing  crowd.  At  Fort  Ed 
ward,  Sandy  Hill,  Glen's  Falls,  and  other  towns,  refresh 
ments  had  been  prepared,  and  the  citizens  were  gath 
ered  to  pay  him  their  respects.  His  arrival  at  Lake 
George  was  announced  by  the  roar  of  artillery,  the 
waving  of  flags,  and  the  peal  of  military  music.  A 
splendid  dinner  was  prepared,  and  in  the  speeches  made 
thereat  he  was  greeted  as  a  model  magistrate,  as  a  public 
reformer  and  benefactor.  A  ball  and  supper  followed 
in  the  evening,  when  he  spoke,  in  answer  to  a  sentiment 
in  his  honor,  of  the  "field  of  grounded  arms,"  and  of 


FERNANDO  WOOD.  303 

the  many  points  of  historical  interest  peculiar  to  that 
section  of  country. 

These  attentions  continued  during  his  stay,  and  fol 
lowed  him  on  his  journey  to  Auburn  and  back  to  the 
city  of  New- York.  From  these  exhibitions  of  respect, 
from  the  murmured  or  outspoken  praises  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  from  the  compliments  of  municipal  authorities 
throughout  the  Union,  and  the  commendations  of  the 
press  from  Maine  to  California,  Mr.  Wood's  popularity 
may  be  reckoned  as  not  inferior  to  that  of  any  man  in 
the  country.  All  the  way  from  far  Iowa  came  a  pro 
posal  to  nominate  him  for  the  Presidency.  The  letter 
and  its  answer  we  will  give  here,  without  remark  upon 
either. 

DAVENPORT,  March  10, 1855. 
HON.  FERNANDO  WOOD,  New -York: 

It  is,  I  think,  quite  apparent  that  at  the  next  presidential  election, 
the  people  of  the  United  States  will  demand,  as  a  condition  precedent 
to  their  vote,  that  the  candidate  shall  be  a  positive  and  not  a  negative 
character. 

The  old  stock  is  gone.  Especially  in  the  Democratic  party,  is 
there  no  man  of  the  ancient "  regime"  upon  whom  public  attention 
is  or  can  be  fixed  ;  the  next  President  will,  it  seems  to  me,  be  a  young 
man. 

It  is  not  at  all  probable  that  I  am  the  first  man  to  propose,  or 
rather  to  suggest  to  you  that,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  thing  which 
will  be  demanded  is  found  in  you. 

The  fact  that  a  man  is  found  capable  of  governing  the  city  of 
New-York,  is  thought  to  be  evidence  that  one  can  be  found  who  will 
properly  discharge  the  duties  of  President. 

It  is  my  opinion  that  the  people  want  such  a  man  as  you ;  as  one 
of  them,  I  inquire  whether  to  that  end  any  thing  has  been  done  or 
can  be,  and  whether  it  is  best  to  take  any  steps,  and  when  to  place 
this  matter  before  them,  and  to  secure,  if  possible,  a  nomination  (if 


304  BIOGEAPHY  OF  FERNANDO  WOOD, 

that  is  best)  by  the  party.    Allow  me  to  say,  that  I  should  be  glad 
to  aid  in  whatever  way  possible  to  secure  so  desirable  a  result. 

You  do  not  know  me.    Warren  G.  Brown,  Esq.,  Wall  street,  does, 
and  L.  A.  Fuller,  Esq.,  Broadway. 

If  now,  or  at  some  future  time,  any  steps  shall  be  taken,  I  shall 
be  glad  to  cooperate  with  your  friends. 

Yours  with  much  respect, 

GEO.  S.  C.  Dow. 


MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  March  17, 1855. 

DEAR  SIR  :  In  reply  to  your  kind  letter  of  the  10th  inst,  I  beg  to 
assure  you,  that  my  aspirations  have  not  been  directed  to  any  higher 
position  than  to  discharge  the  duties  of  my  present  office  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  deserve  and  receive  the  applause  of  my  fellow- citizens. 
If  I  can  accomplish  this,  it  will  be  all  that  is  aimed  at  by  me.  Best 
assured  that  at  no  time  has  a  higher  official  position  passed  my 
thoughts,  nor  have  my  exertions  in  this  office  been  dictated  by  any 
such  motive.  It  is  true,  that  I  am  not  insensible  to  the  fact  that 
many  friends  desire  my  promotion  ;  but  if  I  entered  into  their  views 
and  feelings,  it  would  detract  materially  from  the  independence  of  all 
personal  considerations,  which  so  far  has  alone  enabled  me  to  succeed. 
Besides,  my  dear  sir,  what  more  exalted  station  can  any  man  reach 
than  the  almost  universal  approbation  of  the  people  of  a  city  like 
New- York?  Fully  appreciating  your  kind  partiality,  and  assuring 
you  in  all  sincerity  that  I  know  of  no  organized  intent  among  my 
friends  witlj  reference  to  the  use  of  my  name  for  the  station  to  which 
you  allude,  I  am  very  truly  yours, 

FERNANDO  WOOD. 

GEO.  S.  C.  Dow,  Davenport,  Iowa. 

And  now  our  task  is  done.  During  the  course  of  the 
printing  and  publication  of  this  volume,  many  new 
illustrations  of  the  Major's  character  will  of  necessity 


FERNANDO  WOOD.  305 

be  made  public.  This  work  is  thought  to  be  up  to  this 
date  as  nearly  perfect  as  possible.  For  the  present 
writer,  he  has  no  further  observation  to  make.  Let  the 
reader  judge  of  the  subject  of  this  biography,  of  his 
merits,  his  aspirations,  and  his  future  career. 


APPENDIX. 

LETTERS       AND       MESSAGES.  / 

VERY  much,  of  the  peculiar  character  of  Mr.  Wood 
may  be  learned  from  the  veto  messages.  There  is  a 
singular  distinctness  of  vision  about  the  man;  and  a 
great  directness  in  going  to  his  point.  What  he  has  to 
say  is  clearly  settled  in  his  own  mind,  and  then  out 
spoken  with  such  simple  precision  that  he  who  runs 
may  read. 

Another  lesson  is  to  be  learned  here ;  to  wit,  that  a 
veto  power  in  this  good  city  of  New -York,  can  in  no 
wise  safely  be  dispensed  with. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  March  23, 1855. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Councilmen  : 

GENTLEMEN  :  The  Board  of  Councilmen  passed,  April  3, 1853,  a 
resolution,  memorializing  the  Legislature  to  curtail  the  dimensions  of 
the  proposed  Central  Park.  This  resolution  was  introduced  by  a 
lengthy  report,  from  the  then  Committee  on  Lands  and  Places,  the 
statements  and  arguments  of  which,  no  doubt,  influenced  its  passage. 
The  subject  remained  without  further  action  during  the  whole  of  the 
term  of  the  late  Common  Council,  and  until  the  15th  March,  instant, 
when  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  without  awaiting  your  decision  on  the 
same  subject,  now  under  deliberation,  passed  the  proposition  of  the 
Councilmen  of  last  year. 


308  APPENDIX. 

This  resolution  has  been  laid  before  me  for  my  approval,  which, 
after  deliberation,  and  a  careful  examination  of  the  facts  and  argu 
ments  set  forth  in  the  report,  I  find  it  impossible  to  give,  consistent 
with  my  own  convictions  of  duty. 

Though  it  proposes  only  to  take  from  the  Central  Park  a  portion 
of  the  area  agreed  upon,  still  it  will  be,  in  effect,  a  blow  at  the  whole. 

Any  proposition  having  for  its  aim  an  interference  with  the  work 
as  originally  devised,  and  which  will  encourage  delay,  and  retard  the 
proceedings  of  the  commission,  already  too  long  protracted,  will,  in 
my  opinion",  jeopard  the  success  of  the  most  intelligent,  philanthropic, 
and  patriotic  public  enterprise,  which  has  been  undertaken  by  the 
people  of  this  city  since  the  introduction  of  the  waters  of  the  Croton 
river. 

I  had  supposed  that  the  necessity  for  defending  the  Central  Park 
had  ceased  ;  that  the  opposition  before  raised  had  subsided,  and  that 
time  and  reflection  had  enabled  all  to  appreciate  its  advantages, 
not  only  to  the  present,  but  to  all  succeeding  generations.  In  my 
second  message  to  the  Common  Council,  of  January  llth  last,  in 
alluding  to  the  subject,  I  say  :  "  There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the 
necessity  of  some  such  park,  conveniently  located  on  this  island. 

In  my  opinion,  future  generations  who  are  to  pay  the  expense, 
will  have  good  reasons  for  reflecting  upon  us,  if  we  permitted  the 
entire  island  to  be  taken  possession  of  by  population,  without  some 
spot  like  this,  devoted  to  rural  beauty,  healthful  recreation,  and  pure 
atmosphere." 

These  views  have  been  confirmed  by  subsequent  observation.  The 
opportunities  which  the  duties  of  my  office  give  for  a  survey  of  this 
great  city,  its  vast  financial,  commercial,  and  manufacturing  advan 
tages,  the  inherent  seeds  it  contains  of  a  growth  far  beyond  the  com 
prehension  of  the  most  visionary  enthusiast,  all  force  upon  me  the 
necessity  of  some  such  reservation. 

"We  will  be  derelict,  if  by  any  narrow  or  selfish  feeling  of  present 
saving,  we  deprive  the  teeming  millions  yet  to  inhabit  and  toil  upon 
this  island,  of  one  place  not  given  up  to  mammon,  where  they  can, 
even  if  but  one  day  in  the  year,  observe  and  worship  nature,  untar 
nished  by  conflict  with  art.  To  admit  the  necessity  of  a  great  park, 


APPENDIX.  809 

and  to  assert  that  this  will  be  too  large,  is,  in  my  opinion,  an  exceed 
ingly  limited  view  of  the  question,  and  entirely  unworthy  of  even  the 
present  position  of  this  metropolis,  to  say  nothing  of  a  destiny  now 
opening  so  brilliantly  before  us. 

Let  us  not  follow  our  Dutch  ancestors  in  their  views  of  municipal 
prudence,  who  considered  cow-paths  as  proper  sites  for  streets  and 
avenues,  inasmuch  as  they  saved  the  necessary  expenses  of  surveys, 
etc.  To  have  suggested  to  the  original  Knickerbockers  the  propri 
ety  of  laying  out  and  regulating  wide  and  evenly-graded  streets, 
commensurate  to  the  wants  of  the  city  as  it  now  is,  would  have  been 
met  by  the  wise  fathers  of  that  day,  with  arguments  derived  from  the 
same  principles  and  views  as  are  now  used  with  reference  to  this 
subject,  by  its  opponents. 

Let  New- York  follow  up  the  noble  spirit  asserted  so  boldly  in  the 
introduction  of  the  Croton  water.  The  aforethought  and  compre 
hensive  policy  embodied  in  that  masterly  proposition,  is  now  uni 
versally  respected  and  admired,  as  will  be,  at  no  distant  day,  that  to 
open  Central  Park.  Being  imbued  with  these  sentiments,  I  can  never 
give  my  consent  to  any  measure  which  will  throw  an  obstacle  in  its 
way,  much  less  to  abolish  or  curtail  it. 

But  admitting  the  park  too  large,  and  that  it  should  be  diminished, 
this  resolution  proposes  to  do  it  in  an  improper  manner,  inasmuch  as 
it  asks  that  the  only  portion  of  it  that  can  be  accessible  to  the  foot- 
passenger  now  shall  be  lopped  off,  and,  in  fact,  remove  it  nearly  a 
mile  further  off  from  the  present  densely-populated  part  of  the  city. 
This  resolution  asks,  that  instead  of  Fifty-ninth  street,  Seventy-second 
street  shall  be  the  lower  boundary,  or,  in  other  words,  that  the  park 
shall  be  removed  thirteen  blocks  further  into  the  interior,  and,  at 
present,  almost  uninhabited  part  of  the  island.  If  there  is  to  be  a 
curtailment,  let  it  be  rather  from  the  other  end.  Instead  of  lopping 
off  the  lower  and  most  accessible  part,  take  it  from  the  upper 
portion. 

Besides  these  objections,  there  are  others  entitled  to  weight.  Many 
lots,  comprehended  within  the  part  to  be  cut  off,  were  purchased  of 
the  Corporation,  under  its  sales,  at  auction,  anterior  to  the  passage 
of  the  act  for  this  park.  These  have  been  relinquished  to  the  city. 


310  APPENDIX. 

the  purchase-money  repaid  to  the  buyers,  by  order  of  the  Common 
Council.  And  again,  owners  of  lots  within  the  area  proposed  to  be 
taken,  would,  in  my  opinion,  have  just  claim  against  the  city,  for  any 
damages  that  they  may  have  suffered,  in  consequence  of  closing  to 
them  all  opportunities  for  improvements,  enjoyment,  or  favorable  sales, 
by  the  existing  act,  to  take  possession  of  their  lots  for  public  pur 
poses.  The  damages  arising  from  the  passage  of  this  resolution,  may 
amount  to  nearly  as  much  as  the  expense  to  the  city  of  the  land  to 
be  taken  by  it. 

Inasmuch  as  the  action  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen  was  based  upon 
the  report  referred  to,  without  any  report  of  their  own  Committee, 
it  may  not  be  improper  for  me  to  correct  some  of  its  errors  of  facts ; 
I  am  the  more  induced  to  this,  as  it  is  evident  that  the  public  have 
been  misled  by  this  report.  It  states  that  the  area  of  the  park,  ex 
cluding  the  State  Arsenal  and  the  Keservoir,  will  be  750  acres,  that 
the  number  of  building-lots  comprehended  will  be  13,521,  and  that 
the  total  cost  can  not  be  less  than  fifteen  millions  of  dollars.  These 
statements  are  erroneous,  as  will  be  shown  by  the  following  extracts 
from  my  message,  before  referred  to,  which  contains  reliable  and  au 
thentic  data  and  information  upon  these  points. 

"  It  will  be  remembered  that  this  park  is  to  be  bounded  south  by 
Fifty-ninth  street ;  north,  by  One  Hundred  and  Sixth  street ;  east,  by 
the  Fifth  avenue ;  and  west, -by  the  Eighth  avenue,  and  will  compre 
hend  an  area  of  seven  hundred  and  seventy-six  acres,  say,  770 

From  which  deduct  State  Arsenal,  say, 14 

"  "  Croton  Reservoir, 38 

"  "  Proposed    "         , 112 

"  "  Streets  and  avenues, 190 

"  "  belonging  to  the  city, 34 — 388 

Leaving  to  be  paid  for,  acres, 388 

Which,  by  estimating  at  sixteen  lots  per  acre,  makes  six  thousand 
two  hundred  and  eight  lots  to  be  paid  for  by  the  city,  and  by  assess 
ments  upon  contiguous  property.  The  important  question  of  the 
valuation  of  these  lots  has  not  as  yet  been  positively  fixed  by  the 
Commissioners.  The  subject  is  now  before  them,  and  I  advise  all 


APPENDIX.  311 

who  are  interested  to  appear  at  their  office.  Another  question  of 
much  public  interest,  in  connection  with  this  matter,  is  the  territorial 
limit  to  which  the  Commissioners  shall  extend  their  assessments  upon 
property  of  individuals,  and  what  proportion  of  the  whole  cost  shall 
be  made  a  tax  upon  the  city." 

"  These  questions  are  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  Commis 
sioners.  1  am  informed,  unofficially,  that  the  disposition  of  the  Board 
is  to  extend  the  area  of  assessment  three  blocks  east  and  west,  and  a 
greater  distance  north  and  south,  and  to  make  two  thirds  of  the 
whole  cost  payable  by  the  city.  If  this  be  the  determination,  it  can 
be  easily  ascertained  about  what  sum  the  park  will  cost.  Estimating 
the  average  value  of  the  land  at  five  hundred  dollars  per  lot,  a  liberal 
estimate,  the  whole  cost  would  be  three  millions  one  hundred  and 
four  thousand  dollars  ;  deduct  one  third  to  be  paid  by  individuals 
whose  property  is  supposed  to  be  benefited,  it  will  leave  two  millions 
sixty-nine  thousand  dollars  to  be  paid  for  by  the  city." 

Much  surprise  is  manifested  at  the  apparent  delay  of  the  Commis 
sioners.  I  am  without  any  official  information  as  to  their  proceed 
ings.  The  whole  scope  of  their  duties  appears  to  me  to  be  very 
simple,  and  easily  accomplished.  I  do  not  see  any  reason  why  they 
should  consume  so  long  a  time,  As  far  as  my  inquiry  has  extended, 
I  have  been  unable  to  discover,  in  any  quarter,  information  of  what 
has  been  done,  or  is  being  done  by  them,  beyond  what  is  contained  in 
this  extract  from  my  message  of  January  11. 

The  Council  to  the  Corporation  has  volunteered  his  services  to 
the  Board  without  compensation,  and  has,  with  commendable  liber 
ality,  furnished  gratuitously  much  valuable  information,  tending  to 
facilitate  the  work  and  give  the  people  speedy  possession  of  its  prom 
ised  advantages.  Had  all  interested  evinced  as  much  enthusiasm  in 
its  favor,  I  am  quite  certain  many  hundred  workmen  and  laborers 
would  now  be  employed  towards  its  completion. 

For  these  reasons,  herein  briefly  and  imperfectly  set  forth,  I  can  not 
sign  this  resolution ;  it  appears  to  me  to  have  been  passed  under  a 
misapprehension  of  the  facts. 

With  respect  for  the  opinion  of  others  who  differ  from  me,  and 
with  a  repugnance  to  the  position  of  apparent  hostility  to  the  action 


312  APPENDIX. 

of  the  Common  Council,  which  my  duty  forces  upon  me,  I  beg  leave 
to  return  the  resolution  to  decrease  the  size  of  Central  Park,  without 
my  approval.  Yery  respectfully, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


STATEN  ISLAND  FEKKY  LEASE. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW-YORK,  May  18,  1855. 

To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Councilmen: 

GENTLEMEN  :  A  resolution  defining  the  conditions  upon  which  the 
Staten-Island  Ferry  should  be  leased,  passed  the  Board  of  Aldermen 
on  the  evening  of  the  llth  inst.  It  came  to  me  on  the  afternoon  of 
Saturday,  12th  inst.,  and  was  taken  up  for  examination  on  the  14th 
inst.  The  sale  of  the  ferries,  including  the  Staten-Island  Ferry,  had 
been  fixed,  by  a  previous  resolution  of  the  Common  Council,  for  the 
15th  inst.,  thus  leaving  me  too  short  a  time  to  examine  a  subject  of 
so  much  importance.  I  found  it  impossible  to  approve  it  in  time  for 
the  sale  of  that  date,  consistent  with  several  objections,  which  pre 
sented  themselves  on  the  first  reading  of  the  document.  Subsequent 
examination  of  it  has  fully  satisfied  me  that  this  resolution,  if  adopt 
ed,  would  have  resulted  in  loss  to  the  city,  in  consequence  of  its  effect 
in  excluding  bidders  at  the  sale. 

By  its  terras  the  lessees  were  compelled  to  run  boats  to  the  Quar 
antine  Dock  and  to  Stapleton,  though  these  points  are  exclusively 
the  property  of  individuals,  who  could  or  could  not,  at  their  own 
option,  permit  the  privilege,  there  being  no  power  in  the  Common 
Council,  or  the  lessees,  to  prevent. 

Another  and  a  more  serious  objection,  was  the  privilege  proposed 
to  be  given  of  using  and  occupying  the  water  on  the  westerly  side  of 
the  pier  lying  west  of  pier  No.  1,  East  River,  and  running  ferry 
boats  to  and  from  the  same,  as  aforesaid,  until  such  use  or  occupation 
shall  be  interfered  with  by  the  operations  of  the  contractor  for  the  Bat 
tery  enlargement.  It  requires  little  sagacity  to  see  that  this  privilege 


APPENDIX.  813 

could  be  made  of  more  detriment  to  the  public  interest,  and  of  far 
greater  advantage  to  the  lessees,  than  could  be  accomplished  in  al 
most  any  other  way.  Its  value  would  be  almost  incalculable.  The 
waters  of  this  privileged  space  could  be  extended  for  five  hundred 
feet  along  and  around  the  Battery  front,  and  provide  room  for  a  dozen 
ferries,  which,  under  these  conditions,  could  be  run  to  as  many  con 
tiguous  points  as  it  is  desirable  to  have  ferry  communication.  If  this 
privilege  should  have  been  given,  and  the  lessees  have  acted  in  collu 
sion  with  the  contractor  of  the  Battery  enlargement,  the  city  would 
find,  when  too  late,  that  it  had  parted  with  privileges  without  any 
equivalent,  of  exceeding  value  to  the  parties  interested,  and  serious 
injury  to  the  public  interest. 

There  were  other  objections  which,  though  of  less  importance, 
yet  of  themselves  would  have  been  sufficient  to  induce  me  to 
withhold  my  assent  to  this  proposition.  Permit  me  respectfully  to 
deprecate  the  haste  with  which  important  measures  are  sometimes 
passed  by  the  Common  Council.  These  conditions,  involving  conse 
quences  of  such  magnitude  to  the  city,  proposing  to  part  with  val 
uable  privileges,  and  which  really  should  have  received  great  consid 
eration,  and  have  been  adopted  only  upon  the  official  opinion  of  the 
Counsel  to  the  Corporation  as  to  the  legal  rights  of  all  parties, 
passed  the  Board  of  Councilmen  on  the  9th  inst.,  and  the  Board  of 
Aldermen  on  the  llth  inst,  apparently  without  any  deliberation  or 
examination  whatever.  I  herewith  return  the  resolution  without  my 
approval.  Very  respectfully, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


GBADING  OF  FIFTY-SECOND  STKEET. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  May  17, 1855. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Councilmen  : 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  return  herewith  a  resolution  to  grade  Fifty-second 
street  from  Tenth  to  Eleventh  avenues,  which  originated  in -your 
14 


314  APPENDIX. 

Board,  without  my  signature.  It  appears  that  this  proposition  ema 
nated  from  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Councilmen,  without  the 
request  or  knowledge  of  any  of  the  parties  in  interest,  who  are  to  be 
affected  by  the  proposed  improvement,  and  that  nearly  all  of  said 
interest  remonstrated  against  it.  Now,  as  it  is  all  settled  that  the 
majority  of  owners  in  all  such  matters  have  an  undoubted  right  to 
control,  and  as  in  this  particular  case  the  improvement  was  not  asked 
for  by  any  person  really  interested,  I  must  withhold  my  assent.  I 
herewith  return  the  resolution  without  my  signature.  All  of  which 
is  respectfully  submitted. 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


THE 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  June  14, 1855. 

To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Councilmen  : 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  return  without  my  approval  the  resolution  direct 
ing  the  Comptroller  to  pay  "Wm.  B.  Eeynolds  forty-six  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  forty-five  dollars  and  fifty-one  cents,  for  the  pur 
chase  of  certain  property  enumerated  therein,  and  appropriating  that 
sum  for  that  purpose. 

I  am  compelled  to  this  course  for  the  following  among  other 
reasons  : 

The  resolution  in  question,  among  other  property,  specifies  the  fol 
lowing  :  "  The  right  and  title  to  Barren  Island,  including  all  the 
leases,  contracts,  and  conveyances  held  by  Win.  B.  Keynolds  for  any 
part  or  portion  of  the  Island  and  its  appurtenances,  the  sum  of 
$10,000,  copy  of  the  leases  and  deeds  which  are  hereunto  annexed, 
and  the  originals  of  which  are  to  be  transferred  to  the  city  on  the 
payment  of  the  aforesaid  sum." 

Among  the  papers  is  a  deed  from  Wm.  B.  Keynolds  to  the  Cor 
poration,  conveying  two  acres  of  land  on  Barren  Island  for  the  nom 
inal  sum  of  one  dollar,  and  an  assignment  of  a  lease  of  other  property 


APPENDIX,  315 

in  which  the  consideration  is  fixed  at  $10,000.  The  resolution  above 
referred  to  includes  the  leasehold  and  the  fee  in  one  mass,  as  the  pro 
perty  to  be  purchased  for  $10,000,  and  I  am  therefore  to  disregard 
the  application  made  of  this  sum  by  the  seller,  by  which  only  a  nom 
inal  portion  of  the  $10,000  is  applied  to  the  fee  property.  But  even 
assuming  that  it  is  a  purchase  made  for  the  consideration  of  only  one 
dollar,  it  is  yet  a  purchase  of  land  ;  and,  as  Barren  Island  is  in  Kings 
county,  a  purchase  of  land  outside  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  city. 
This  presents  to  me  the  first  objection,  whether  any  such  power  has 
been  devolved  upon  the  authorities  of  the  city.  I  confess  this  ques 
tion  has  caused  me  much  concern,  and  no  little  investigation. 

The  Montgomery  Charter  authorizes  the  city  to  take  and  hold 
land,  but  it  expressly  limits  the  amount  which  may  be  thus  held  to 
property  of  the  yearly  rent  or  value  of  three  thousand  pounds.  In 
the  edition  just  published  of  the  laws  of  the  State,  applicable  to  the 
city,  there  is  a  note  to  this  clause  of  the  charter,  stating  that  this 
limitation  does  not  prevent  the  holding  of  land,  which,  when  pur 
chased,  was  not  of  greater  annual  value,  but  which  afterwards  rose 
beyond  it,  showing  that  this  limitation  was  considered  still  in  force. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  general  act  which  has  extended 
this  power  of  purchase,  although  the  statute-book  is  dotted  with  laws 
authorizing  particular  purchases  by  the  city  from  time  to  time,  for 
various  public  objects.  I  infer  that  this  limitation  still  stands,  except 
as  it  has  been  enlarged  by  the  special  acts,  authorizing  particular 
purchases. 

There  is  no  question  but  that  the  city  now  holds  property  of  a 
much  greater  annual  value  than  the  charter  authorizes,  and  this  be 
ing  the  case,  I  am  brought  to  the  conclusion  that  there  is  an  entire 
absence  of  power  to  make  the  purchase  in  question.  The  rule  of  law 
applicable'  to  municipal  corporations,  as  laid  down  by  the  highest 
judicial  authorities  in  this  State,  is  this  :  "  That  they  take  only  the 
special  powers  granted  to  them  by  their  charter  or  by  subsequent 
laws."  Authority  must  be  shown  for  this  purchase  before  it  becomes 
lawful.  The  only  power  known  to  me  is  the  one  which  is  fettered 
with  the  limitation  expressed.  If  the  power  to  purchase  land  were 
unlimited,  whether  in  or  out  of  our  local  jurisdiction,  the  discretion 


316  APPENDIX. 

of  the  two  Boards  and  of  the  Mayor  would  be  the  only  safeguard  of 
tax-payers  against  the  most  extensive  purchases  at  extravagant  prices, 
a  safeguard  that  might  not  at  all  times  be  sufficient.  The  community 
do  not  rely  entirely  on  protection  of  this  character,  and  hence  in 
charters  and  constitutions  it  is  common  to  interpose  checks  over  the 
exercise  of  dangerous  powers.  For  the  first  time  since  my  accession 
to  office  has  this  important  question  been  presented  to  me,  whether 
the  city  can  purchase  land  outside  of  our  jurisdiction,  and  I  have  ex 
amined  it  with  the  care  which  such  a  question  demands,  in  view  of 
its  becoming  a  precedent  and  an  example  for  other  and  more  import 
ant  cases.  It  is  a  power  likely  to  lead  to  great  abuse,  and  I  with 
hold  my  assent  to  the  resolution,  not  only  because  the  charter  requires 
it,  but  also  because  I  am  satisfied  that  unlimited  power  of  that  cha 
racter  would  be  highly  dangerous.  The  amendments  to  the  charter, 
adopted  in  1830, 1849,  and  1853,  clearly  show  that  no  such  unlimited 
authority  was  left  in  our  local  legislation.  The  amendments  of  1853 
provide  that  all  supplies  to  be  furnished,  embracing  an  expenditure 
of  over  $250,  shall  be  by  contract,  for  which  estimates  and  bids  shall 
be  furnished  after  due  publication.  All  that  is  not  real  estate  or 
leasehold  property,  comprehended  in  this  proposed  purchase  from  Mr. 
Eeynolds,  is  personal  property — the  tools  and  implements  of  conduct 
ing  his  business  as  a  contractor  for  removal  of  offal,  etc.,  and  for  its 
manufacture  into  articles  of  use  —  boats,  shovels,  carts,  etc.  These 
are  supplies  furnished  to  the  city  without  the  formalities  required  by 
the  charter.  I  can  not  suppose  that  it  was  intended  to  fetter  the 
public  authorities  in  this  respect  so  completely,  and  yet  leave  a  power 
to  purchase  any  amount  of  land  anywhere  at  any  price  in  the  discre 
tion  of  those  whose  action  heretofore  had  made  checks  and  guards 
highly  necessary.  An  amendment  to  the  charter  adopted  in  1849 
provides,  that  neither  the  Common  Council  nor  any  member  thereof 
shall  perform  any  executive  business  whatever.  This  restriction,  I 
understand,  was  intended  among  other  things  to  prevent  the  purchase 
of  articles  or  the  making  of  contracts  by  this  branch  of  the  city  gov 
ernment,  leaving  such  duties  to  be  performed  by  the  heads  of  depart 
ments.  This  resolution,  in  effect,  dispenses  with  all  the  executive 
officers,  and  specifies  the  things  to  be  purchased,  the  prices  to  be 


APPENDIX.  317 

paid,  and  the  person  from  whom  purchased  ;  and  this  is  not  compati 
ble  with  the  theory  upon  which  the  local  government  was  then  formed 
in  dividing  the  executive  and  legislative  departments.  The  resolution 
in  this  case  appears  to  me  to  be  an  infraction  of  the  amendment  cal 
culated  to  defeat  the  object  which  governed  the  Legislature  in  estab 
lishing  it.  I  have  other  grounds  of  objection,  to  which  it  is  unneces 
sary  to  allude.  They  refer  more  particularly  to  matters  of  detail. 
The  principles  involved  I  have  deemed  of  great  importance,  and  upon 
them  alone  I  have  considered  it  sufficient  to  stand  in  the  discussion 
of  this  subject.  Had  the  Common  Council  followed  the  practice  with 
reference  to  ferry  leases,  etc.,  of  making  it  incumbent  upon  the  suc 
cessor  of  Mr.  Reynolds  in  the  offal  contract  to  take  the  property  here 
alluded  to  instead  of  the  city,  many  of  the  objections  which  I  see  to 
this  proposition  would  have  been  avoided. 

With  distrust  in  my  own  knowledge  of  law  generally,  but  confi 
dent  in  the  soundness  of  the  position  herein  assumed,  I  beg  to  return 
the  resolution  without  my  approval. 

Very  respectfully,  FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


THE  BULKHEAD   CONTRACT. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  June  30, 1855. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Councilmen : 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  return  herewith  the  preamble  and  resolution  direct 
ing  the  discontinuance  of  the  contract  to  build  a  bulkhead  at  Man- 
hattanville,  by  the  present  contractor,  and  to  direct  the  Street  Com 
missioner  to  receive  proposals  for  a  contract  for  building  a  new 
bulkhead,  to  rest  upon  the  work  already  made,  and  that  the  contract 
or  for  the  new  work  shall  take  the  old  work  at  an  appraisement  to  be 
made  by  two  persons,  to  be  selected  by  the  old  contractor  and  the 
Street  Commissioner. 

My  objections  to  this  proposition  are  many.  It  is  sufficient  to 
state  only  the  most  prominent. 


318  APPENDIX. 

Without  referring  to  the  many  attempts  made  to  comply  with  the 
reasonable  wishes  of  the  people  of  Manhattanville  for  suitable  dock 
accommodations  at  that  point,  and  the  several  contracts  which  have 
been  made,  and  large  sums  of  money  already  fruitlessly  expended  for 
that  purpose,  and  which  by  a  strange  fatality  have  not  as  yet  suc 
ceeded  in  yielding  any  thing  but  disappointments,  I  shall  only  deal 
with  the  present  proposition  now  before  me.  It  appears  that  pre 
vious  to  this  resolution  by  the  Common  Council,  a  contract  was 
entered  into,  14th  September,  1854,  with  David  Hunt,  to  build  a 
rip-rap  wall  and  bulkhead  extending  from  130th  to  131st  street,  Man 
hattanville,  the  conditions  of  which  were  that  the  work  should  be  of 
the  most  substantial  and  durable  character,  and  to  be  of  certain  orna 
mental  material  and  style  of  construction,  for  the  sum  of  forty-six 
thousand  four  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  to  be  completed  in  five 
months  from  date  of  contract,  under  a  penalty  of  $20  for  each  day 
that  it  should  remain  uncompleted  after  the  time  had  expired. 

Fifteen  thousand  dollars  of  this  sum  have  been  paid.  That  Mr. 
Hunt  or  assigns,  have  failed  to  perform  this  contract  is  evident, 
otherwise  we  would  not  have  the  proposition  to  release  him,  and  to 
construct  another  and  far  more  expensive  work.  The  report  and 
resolutions  now  before  me  for  approval  admit  in  effect  that  Mr.  Hunt 
has  forfeited  his  contract,  but  give  as  a  reason  that  "  since  the  com 
mencement  of  the  work  it  has  been  discovered  that  the  bottom  under 
the  rip-rap  wall  is  so  steep  and  rocky,  as  to, render  the  foundation 
insecure,  and  to  expose  the  whole  work  to  slide  off,  and  that  a  por 
tion  of  it  already  built  had  slid  about  90  feet  into  the  rear,  and  there 
rests  upon  a  solid  bottom  well  fitted  for  the  foundation  of  a  perma 
nent  work.  Therefore,"  continues  the  preamble,  "  it  has  become 
inexpedient  to  go  on  with  the  building  of  the  bulkhead  as  heretofore 
ordered,  and  it  is  necessary  to  build  a  bulkhead  at  a  further  distance 
from  the  shore  ;"  and  these  are  all  the  reasons  for  releasing  Mr. 
Hunt  or  his  assigns,  and  ordering  the  construction  of  another  work, 
far  more  extensive,  and  it  is  to  be  presumed  far  more  expensive.  By 
what  means  the  committee  arrived  at  their  conclusions  does  not 
appear.  No  evidence  is  furnished  me  that  scientific  or  practical 
men  were  employed  to  make  soundings  and  examine  the  bottom  with 


APPENDIX.  319 

the  necessary  caution  for  the  erection  of  this  new  worK,  and  I  am 
forced  to  the  conclusion  that  none  were  employed.  Certainly,  if  the 
many  attempts  made  to  build  bulkheads,  rip-rap  walls,  and  piers  at  that 
point  have  all  failed  in  consequence  of  some  unusual  impediment  of 
the  bottom  or  other  physical  defects,  it  behoves  us  to  examine  the 
whole  matter  with  care  before  venturing  another  contract ;  and  ex 
pressly  is  this  necessary  before  building  upon  that  part  of  Mr.  Hunt's 
work  that  has  slid  out  into  the  river,  as  this  resolution  proposes,  without 
knowing  whether  it  lies,  as  represented,  on  a  solid  bottom,  and  is  well 
secured  and  safe  from  further  slidings.  It  would  be  an  inexcusable 
waste  of  the  people's  money  to  go  on  with  further  experiments  in 
such  a  blind  manner,  with  every  probability  of  another  failure,  and 
another  similar  proposition  as  the  present.  But,  admitting  that  these 
examinations  have  been  made,  and  that  the  proposed  work  will  be 
substantial,  and  in  all  respects  answer  the  purpose,  still  it  furnishes 
no  grounds  for  releasing  Mr.  Hunt  from  his  contract,  which  the  Cor 
poration  made  with  him  In  good  faith,  and  to  which  it  would  have 
been  held  with  great  tenacity,  if  it  had  failed  in  any  particular.  He 
contracted  to  build  this  work,  gave  sufficient  security  to  perform  the 
agreement,  has  received  a  large  sum  of  money  on  account,  and  should 
be  compelled  to  finish  it.  It  is  no.answer  to  say  the  work  slid  out 
into  the  river  and  he  could  not.  When  he  agreed  to  receive  from 
the  Corporation  $46,450  for  its  construction,  he  took  the  hazard  of 
all  accidents  and  all  contingencies.  It  was,  in  short,  a  contract  by 
which  he  assumed,  not  only  the  expense,  but  the  risk  of  every  other 
kind  from  the  elements,  from  physical  obstructions  at  the  bottom  of 
the  river,  and  of  every  other  nature.  And  he  should  be  made  to 
perform  his  agreement,  or  respond  to  the  city  in  any  damage  that 
it  suffers  in  consequence  of  failure.  If  this  position  be  thought  too 
severe  and  exacting  as  between  the  city  and  an  individual,  a  com 
promise  might  be  effected,  in  which  it  should  be  stipulated  that  the 
Corporation  should  be  allowed  to  retain  the  work  which  has  slid  out 
(and  which  by  the  way  may  be  worthless  for  the  purposes  of  a  new 
contract  such  as  may  be  required)  and  Mr.  Hunt  retain  the  $15,000 
already  paid.  This  would  be  a  fair  and  liberal  arrangement  to 
which  among  individuals  not  the  slightest  objection  would  be  made. 


320  APPENDIX. 

I  am  aware  that  the  idea  of  compromising  matters  of  this  kind  ia 
which  the  city  is  a  party,  upon  principles  of  exact  equity,  is  en 
tirely  novel,  and  that  the  practice  has  been  to  hold  the  Corporation 
to  a  rigid  fulfillment  when  the  bargain  has  been  against  its  interest, 
(as  is  the  case  ninety-nine  times  out  of  a  hundred,)  and  to  release  tho 
individual  from  loss  or  responsibility  when  the  bargain  has  been 
against  him  ;  but  we  now  hope  for  fairer  dealings,  and  a  little  pro 
tection  for  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  people.  But  admitting 
that  it  be  right  to  contract  this  new  work  •  as  proposed,  and  that 
it  be  right  to  build  on  the  work  that  has  slid  out,  without  examin 
ation  as  to  its  fitness  for  that  purpose,  and  that  it  be  right  to  release 
Mr.  Hunt  from  his  contract,  can  it  be  right  not  only  to  release,  but 
also  to  pay  him  for  the  work  done,  which  is  of  no  value  to  the  city 
as  it  now  remains  ?  In  my  opinion,  such  a  course  can  not  be  justi 
fied.  It  looks  to  me  like  giving  a  premium  for  forfeiting  contracts  ; 
like  the  game  of  "  Heads  I  win,  tails  you  lose."  The  city  is  to  lose 
in  any  event ;  for  it  requires  no  sagacity  to  see  that  the  sum  paid  for 
this  old  work  to  Mr.  Hunt  or  assigns  will  be  put  upon  the  cost  of 
the  new  work,  and  of  course  merged  in  the  price  charged  to  the  city. 
It  will  then  have  lost  the  $15,000  paid  Mr.  Hunt  or  assigns  beside 
the  hazard  of  having  the  same  game  played  over  again  under  another 
name,  and  perhaps  involving  a  much  greater  loss.  Admitting  that 
it  be  right  to  pay  Mr.  Hunt  for  this  work,  (supposing  the  city  has 
not  yet  paid  its  value,)  I  object  to  the  mode  of  appraisement.  It 
should  be  appraised  in  some  other  way  in  which  the  interests  of  the 
city  should  be  represented  upon  one  side,  the  interests  of  the  new  con 
tractor  (after  he  had  made  the  new  contract)  upon  the  other.  This 
will  be  equitable,  admitting  the  objections  urged  by  me  to  such  a 
proceeding  are  without  force. 

With  these  views,  thus  hurriedly  expressed,  it  will  be  impossible 
for  me  to  concur  with  the  Common  Council  in  this  resolution.  I  am 
forced  to  this  conclusion  much  against  my  predisposition  in  the 
premises,  because  I  am  sincerely  desirous  of  offering  no  obstacle  to 
the  speedy  construction  of  sufficient  dockage  at  Manhattanville.  The 
people  of  that  ancient  locality  are  distinguished  for  industry  and  pro 
bity,  and  it  is  incumbent  upon  the  Corporation  to  afford  every  facil- 


APPENDIX.  321 

ity  for  the  better  protection  of  their  interests,  and  for  the  develop 
ment  of  their  industrial  capacities.  I  think  the  immediate  expendi 
ture  of  an  existing  appropriation  made  to  improve  the  present  pier 
and  the  northerly  portion  of  the  bulkhead  north  of  it,  could  be  made 
to  answer  all  the  present  business  wants.  These  improvements  could 
be  made  without  delay,  and  in  the  mean  time  thorough  examination 
by  competent  engineers  can  be  obtained  so  as  to  proceed  in  the  erec 
tion  of  suitable  works,  with  a  sure  knowledge  and  reliable  data  upon 
which  to  make  new  contracts. 

This  course  would  secure  us  against  further  failures,  and  be  more 
compatible  with  the  true  interests  of  the  city  and  of  the  people  of 
Manhattanville.  Very  respectfully, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


9     PIEE  AT   FOOT  OF  THIETY-FOURTH  STEEET. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  July  11,  1855. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Coundlmen  : 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  return  the  resolution  to  build  a  pier  350  feet  long 
and  40  feet  wide  at  the  foot  of  Thirty-fourth  street,  North  River, 
without  my  approval. 

At  the  last  session  of  the  Legislature  an  Act  was  passed  for  the 
appointment  of  a  Commission  to  ascertain  and  clearly  define  the 
water-line  of  the  Corporation  limits  of  this  city,  and  other  duties 
appertaining  to  this  harbor.  This  Commission  was  duly  appointed, 
and  is  now  in  session.  It  has  made  some  progress,  and  will  soon 
complete  its  work. 

Section  2  of  the  Act  referred  to  provides  that  "  No  grants  of  land 
under  the  waters,  in  respect  to  which  the  said  Commissioners  are 
herein  required  to  report,  shall  be  made  by  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Land  Office,  or  by  the  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  New-York, 
or  by  any  board,  officer,  or  corporation,  until  the  further  direction  of 
H* 


322  APPENDIX. 

the  Legislature  in  the  premises.  And  the  said  Commissioners  may, 
by  their  order  in  writing,  restrain  and  stay  all  proceedings  until  the 
further  direction  of  the  Legislature,  by  virtue  of  any  grant  of  land 
under  the  said  waters  heretofore  made,  and  all  permanent  erections  in 
or  obstructions  of  the  said  waters,  which,  in  their  judgment,  may 
interfere  with  or  embarrass  the  establishment  of  such  exterior  lines  as 
they  shall  deem  proper  to  recommend  to  the  Legislature,  which  order 
shall  be  enforced,  and  disobedience  thereof  shall  be  punished  by  the 
Supreme  Court  in  the  Second  Judicial  District,  at  any  special  or 
general  term  thereof,  in  the  same  manner  and  to  the  same  extent  as 
in  cases  of  injunction  issued  out  of  said  Court.  And  any  permanent 
erection  or  obstructions  made  contrary  to  any  such  order,  may  be  re 
moved  and  abated  by  the  said  Commissioners." 

Until  the  Harbor  Commission  have  completed  their  labors  and  the 
Legislature  have  acted  thereon,  it  will,  in  my  opinion,  be  impolitic  to 
undertake  the  construction  of  a  pier  of  this  extent,  or  indeed  to  at 
tempt  any  permanent  erection  in  our  harbor. 

At  present  the  water-line  is  undefined  on  the  west  side  of  the  city. 
We  do  not  know  the  extent  of  our  boundaries  there,  and  inasmuch  as 
this  law  gives  to  these  Commissioners  power  to  restrain  our  action  in 
the  erection  of  such  works,  I  submit  whether  it  is  prudent  to  under 
take  them. 

If  this  resolution  passes,  and  the  Street  Commissioner  makes  a 
contract  in  pursuance  of  it,  the  city  will  become  liable  in  damages  to 
the  contractor,  if  he  is  prevented  from  building  the  pier  by  the  inter 
ference  of  the  Harbor  Commission. 

We  have  already  suffered  largely  from  similar  causes,  and  it  is  best 
to  guard  the  future  as  far  as  possible. 

As  soon  as  the  water-line  is  established,  and  the  grounds  of  objec 
tion  referred  to  by  me  are  removed,  I  shall  make  no  opposition  to  the 
construction  of  a  pier  at  foot  of  Thirty-fourth  street,  if  legally  and 
properly  undertaken.  Yery  respectfully, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


APPENDIX.  323 


CITY       CONTRACTS. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  July  14, 1855. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Councilmen . 

GENTLEMEN  :  The  resolution  emanating  in  your  Board,  directing 
the  Commissioner  of  Streets  and  Lamps  to  withdraw  the  advertise 
ment,  inviting  proposals  for  cleaning  the  streets  of  the  city,  until  the 
further  action  of  the  Common  Council,  is  returned  herewith  without 
approval 

As  the  charter  and  ordinances  compel  that  officer  to  clean  the 
streets  by  contract,  I  do  not  see  how  this  proposition  to  dispense  with 
contracts  can  be  adopted.  Besides,  it  is  now  too  late  for  this  resolu 
tion  to  have  any  effect  upon  the  action  of  the  Commissioner,  as  he 
has  already  advertised  the  required  ten  days,  received  and  opened  the 
bids,  and,  as  I  am  advised,  awarded  the  contracts,  under  the  advice 
of  the  CouDsel  to  the  Corporation. 

Very  respectfully, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  July  14, 1855. 
To  the  Honorable  Board  of  Council me?i: 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  return,  without  approval,  the  ordinance  proposing 
to  further  amend  the  ordinance  regulating  the  making  of  contracts, 
passed  May  30, 1849. 

In  my  opinion,  if  adopted,  this  amendment  may  in  effect  mate 
rially  conflict  with  that  section  of  the  charter  which  provides  that  all 
contracts  "  shall  be  given  to  the  lowest  bidder."  As  the  ordinance 
now  stands,  the  lowest  bidder  is  entitled  to  the  contract,  and  the 
Head  of  the  Department  is  authorized  to  award  it  to  him,  if  the  bid 
be  regular  in  form,  adequate  security  be  given ;  all  bids  are  opened  in 
the  presence  of  the  Comptroller,  and  an  appropriation  has  been  made 
for  the  purpose.  It  appears  to  me  that  these  conditions  are  about 
all  that  the  charter  seems  to  require  ;  indeed,  to  go  farther  may  de 
feat  the  object  of  the  charter  altogether. 

This  subject,  of  making  contracts,  and  the  many  difficulties  sur- 


324  APPENDIX. 

rounding  it,  has  not  escaped  my  attention.  It  is  full  of  difficulties, 
under  the  very  best  regulations  which  human  wisdom  can  devise.  In 
the  message  submitted  by  me,  January  llth  last,  I  alluded  to  it  in 
this  language  :  "  The  present  mode  of  making  contracts  is  defective. 
Notwithstanding  the  improvement  of  late  years,  in  exacting  more 
publicity,  in  opening  bids,  and  in  guarding  against  favoritism  in 
granting  contracts,  yet  it  is  supposed  much  wrong  still  exists.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  frauds  are  still  perpetrated  in  this  branch  of  the 
public  service.  Bids  are  frequently  put  in  in  the  name  of  fictitious 
persons,  ranging  from  a  high  to  a  low  estimate — speculators  standing 
ready  to  take  advantage  of  any  embarrassment  to  the  Department 
owing  to  the  non-appearance  of  the  false  bidder,  and  to  get  the  con 
tract  at  the  highest  possible  limits.  Again,  it  is  the  practice  to  put 
in  estimates,  not  with  the  expectation  of  making  and  performing  a 
contract,  but  to  be  bought  off  by  some  more  responsible  party,  who 
has  been  underbid.  Various  other  ways,  the  details  of  which  are 
known  only  to  the  initiated,  are  in  vogue,  by  which  to  defraud  the 
treasury.  If  the  head  of  a  department  acts  in  collusion  with  these 
outsiders,  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  prevent  frauds  under  the  present 
system." 

Subsequent  experience  in  the  office  of  Mayor  has  confirmed  these 
views  ;  but  I  am  satisfied,  that  great  caution  is  required  in  the  adop 
tion  of  any  plan  for  the  better  protection  of  the  public  interests  in 
this  matter,  lest  we  open  the  door  still  wider  for  wrong-doing. 

One  of  the  features  of  the  proposition  now  presented  is,  that  no 
contract  shall  be  made,  although  all  the  requirements  of  the  charters 
be  complied  with,  until  the  Common  Council  confirm  it. 

"With  respect,  permit  me  to  say,  that  in  my  judgment  this  altera 
tion  will  be  unwise,  inasmuch  as  it  may  practically  defeat  the  charter 
itself.  Its  operation  will  be,  that  "  the  lowest  bidder,"  after  undergo 
ing  a  competition  with  other  bidders,  as  to  price,  and  the  scrutiny  of 
his  bid,  by  the  head  of  the  Department  and  the  Comptroller,  and  in 
case  of  doubt,  also  by  the  Counsel  to  the  Corporation,  he  must,  in 
addition,  "  run  the  gauntlet "  of  the  Common  Council,  where  the 
result  may  depend  upon  other  considerations  than  those  appertaining 
to  the  bid  itself. 


APPENDIX.  325 

I  submit  whether  such  additional  requirements  are  demanded  by 
the  public  interests,  and  whether  they  may  not  be  productive  of 
great  injury,  not  only  to  the  individual  bidder,  but  to  the  public  trea 
sury.  Besides,  it  requires  no  stretch  of  imagination  to  see,  that  the 
wise  safeguards  of  the  charter  could  thus  be  entirely  disregarded. 
An  unsuccessful  bidder,  of  wealth  and  influence,  could  have  little  diffi 
culty  in  defeating  the  confirmation  of  a  contract  in  the  Common 
Council,  which,  in  cases  of  urgent  necessity,  would  give  the  Head  of 
the  Department  an  excuse  for  going  into  the  open  market,  without 
any  contract  whatever,  or  the  Head  of  the  Department  himself  could, 
in  the  exercise  of  the  influence  which  the  patronage  of  his  position 
necessarily  gives,  accomplish  that  purpose,  and  thus  make  all  the 
agreements  himself,  without  contracts.  It  would  be  creating  a 
Board  of  Appeals  to  which  unsuccessful  bidders  would  have  recourse, 
when  disappointed.  Instead  of  resorting  to  the  courts,  the  proper 
recourse  of  those  who  are  dissatisfied  with  the  action  of  the  officers 
who  have  charge  of  deciding  upon  the  bids,  it  will  send  them  to  your 
lobbies,  and  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  your  time  will  be  taken  up 
in  listening  to  these  complaints. 

The  charter  places  these  matters  in  the  departments,  where  they 
should  be  permitted  to  remain,  subject  of  course  to  such  regulations 
as  the  Common  Council  may  direct,  having  for  their  object  the 
maintenance  of  the  principles  of  the  charter,  which  must  govern  us 
at  all  times. 

We  should  not  forget  that  contractors  and  bidders  have  rights,  as 
well  as  the  Corporation,  which  are  equally  entitled  to  protection 
from  the  frauds  which  too  often  govern  the  making  of  contracts.  I 
can  see  no  equity  in  forcing  a  man  into  the  Common  Council,  for  the 
award  of  a  contract,  after  he  has  honorably  complied  with  the  charter 
and  the  ordinance  ;  has  shown  himself  fairly  and  honestly  the  lowest 
bidder,  and  been  awarded  the  contract  by  the  Comptroller,  and  the 
Head  of  the  Department.  Whilst  such  a  regulation  will  be  oppressive 
to  the  individual,  it  will  inure  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Corporation, 
by  compelling  bidders  to  make  provision  in  their  estimates,  for  the 
cost  and  trouble  attending  such  a  proceeding,  and  the  expense  to  the 
bidder  can  be  no  inconsiderable  sum,  inasmuch  as  it  frequently  occurs, 


326  APPENDIX. 

that  obscure  men  with  limited  influence,  are  obliged  to  procure  the 
aid  of  counsel  to  get  measures  through,  even  where  the  merits  of  the 
measures  themselves  are  entirely  sufficient,  and  beyond  any  doubt. 
These  expenses  will,  of  course,  be  added  to  the  cost  of  the  work  to 
the  Corporation,  and  thus  materially  increase  the  expenses  of  the 
City  Government,  already  too  onerous. 

For  this  reason  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  approve  of  the  amend 
ment  proposed. 

I  am  aware  that  an  improvement  can  be  made  upon  the  present 
mode  of  giving  out  contracts,  but  do  not  think  that  this  will  be  an 
improvement.  I  fear  that  it  will  subject  us  to  still  further  evils,  and 
add  to  the  already  existing  difficulties  surrounding  the  whole  matter 
of  giving  contracts  to  the  lowest  bona-fide  bidder. 

Very  respectfully,  FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


DIAMOND      REEF. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  August  7,  1855. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Coundlmen  : 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  return,  without  approval,  the  resolution  directing 
the  Street  Commissioner  to  award  to  Husted  &  Kroehl  the  contract 
for  removing  Diamond  Reef. 

In  January  last,  the  Common  Council  passed  a  resolution  with  my 
concurrence,  directing  the  Street  Commissioner  to  advertise  for  esti 
mates  to  blast  Diamond  Reef,  and  to  report  to  them  the  bids ;  the 
object  being,  as  I  supposed,  to  ascertain  about  what  the  work  would 
cost  before  deciding  upon  its  execution. 

The  Street  Commissioner  proceeded  accordingly  to  advertise  ;  but, 
by  a  strange  mistake,  worded  his  specifications  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  leave  it  doubtful  whether  estimates  were  to  be  put  in  to  blast  the 
rock  by  the  cubic  yard,  or  in  the  gross  for  the  whole  quantity  to  be 
removed. 

This  error  occurred  by  requiring  bidders  to  state  their  "  lowest 


APPENDIX.  327 

terms,"  without  declaring  whether  it  was  meant  the  lowest  terms  for 
the  entire  rock,  or  the  lowest  terms  per  cubic  yard.  As  could  be 
foretold,  estimators  construed  this  advertisement  differently ;  some 
bidding  by  the  yard,  and  others  by  the  gross.  Thirteen  bids  were 
received ;  ten  offering  by  the  cubic  yard,  and  three  for  the  whole  ; 
Husted  &  Kroehl  being  for  the  former.  The  Street  Commissioner 
marked  all  the  yard  bidders  as  informal  and  irregular,  declaring  the 
lowest  sum  in  gross  as  the  lowest  bidder,  and  consequently  as  entitled 
to  the  contract.  This,  if  confirmed  by  the  Common  Council,  would 
have  given  the  contract  to  Cornelius  Smith,  whose  bid  was  forty 
thousand  dollars,  as  the  sum  for  which  he  would  remove  the  rock. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  inquire  whether  the  Street  Commissioner  was, 
right  in  rejecting  any  bids  as  informal,  upon  the  ground  of  irregular 
ity,  for  the  Common  Council  appear  to  have  taken  from  him  all  such 
discretion.  He  was  directed  to  report  the  bids,  and  under  that  direc 
tion  he  was  deprived  of  all  control  or  supervision  over  them.  He, 
therefore,  duly  reported  every  bid  to  the  Common  Council,  who  took 
them  into  consideration,  called  the  bidders  before  its  Committee,  went 
into  an  examination  of  the  whole  matter,  and  adopted  the  resolution 
now  before  me  for  approval,  directing  the  Street  Commissioner  to 
make  a  contract  with  Husted  &  Kroehl,  who  had  bid  by  the  yard, 
but  who  subsequently  altered  their  bid  to  make  it  in  gross  sum. 

I  do  not  think  it  necessary  to  go  into  any  investigation  as  to  who 
are  the  loweat  bidders.  The  error  in  the  form  of  the  advertisement, 
and  the  consequent  ignorance  of  the  bidders,  as  to  what  was  meant 
by  the  lowest  terms  by  the  Department,  are  sufficient  grounds  upon 
which  to  set  aside  any  award  made  either  by  the  Street  Commissioner 
or  the  Common  Council.  There  should  be  no  ambiguity  in  the  ad 
vertisements  to  receive  proposals  for  doing  Corporation  work.  If 
there  were,  the  charter,  which  requires  all  work  to  be  done  by  con 
tract  to  be  given  to  the  lowest  bidder,  with  adequate  security,  could 
be  easily  disregarded  and  rendered  inoperative.  An  ingeniously- 
worded  advertisement  would  exclude  any  bid.  The  object  of  public 
advertisements  is  to  invite  competition,  but  there  can  be  no  compe 
tition  if  impediments  are  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  uninitiated  and 
honest  bidders. 


328  APPENDIX. 

Any  friend  of  a  head  of  a  department,  who  is  acquainted  with  the 
intention  of  those  who  are  to  decide  upon  the  regularity  or  irregular 
ity  of  the  estimates,  would  have  great  advantage,  and  could  in  all 
cases  obtain  the  contract  at  his  own  price.  Therefore,  it  is  obvious 
that  ambiguity  or  uncertainty,  in  so  important  a  matter  as  this,  is  of 
itself  sufficient  to  warrant  a  readvertisement,  and  should  prevent  my 
approval  of  any  award  to  any  party  bidding  under  it. 

In  the  present  instance,  the  greatest  uncertainty  existed  in  the 
minds  of  bidders ;  and,  in  my  opinion,  every  bid  put  in  was  regular, 
none  could  be  excluded,  and  the  lowest  bid  for  the  gross  and  the  low 
est  bid  for  the  cubic  yard  were  each  "  the  lowest  bidder" — an  anom 
aly  never  before  existing  to  my  knowledge. 

But  there  are  other  objections.  The  Common  Council  by  this 
proceeding  is  virtually  "  doing  executive  business."  It  is  awarding 
and  making  contracts.  No  other  construction  can  be  fairly  put  upon 
this  transaction.  It  takes  from  the  head  of  an  executive  department, 
the  power  of  deciding  who  is  the  lowest  bidder,  (actually  reversing 
his  decision ;)  in  whom,  in  my  judgment,  the  charter  and  the  ordinance 
of  1849  expressly  place  it.  It  is  no  answer  to  say  that  the  Street 
Commissioner  is  left  the  power  to  make  the  award  and  to  execute 
the  contract,  because  he  is  deprived  of  all  discretion  in  the  premises, 
and  is  made  the  mere  machine  of  the  Common  Council,  under  whose 
exclusive  direction  he  is  forced  to  act.  If  the  legislative  department 
of  the  city  government  can  designate  the  parties  by  whom  work  shall 
be  done,  against  the  decision  of  a  head  of  a  department,  it  can  name 
the  parties  by  whom  supplies  shall  be  furnished,  and  by  a  further 
slight  encroachment  can  fix  the  price  and  order  the  money  paid,  all 
under  the  plea  that  it  is  simply  making  an  appropriation  and  confirm 
ing  a  contract. 

As  I  have  stated  upon  another  occasion,  the  government  of  this 
city,  like  all  American  governments,  is  divided  into  the  legislative, 
the  executive,  and  the  judicial.  The  first  can  merely  make  laws,  the 
second  executes,  and  the  last  expounds  them.  With  the  Common 
Council  of  New-York  all  power  beyond  legislation  is  cut  off  entirely 
by  the  amended  charter.  It  is  left  less  of  executive  prerogative  than 
any  other  legislative  body  in  the  country.  The  restriction  is  ex- 


APPENDIX.  829 

tremely  stringent.  The  Legislature  appears  to  have  been  jealous  of 
the  exercise  of  this  authority  by  those  bodies,  seeing  less  danger  in 
the  executive  than  in  the  legislative  branches  of  our  city  government. 
Whether  there  be  less  danger  or  not  can  not  be  considered  now  ;  the 
only  question  is,  how  far  it  is  competent  for  the  Common  Council  to 
go  into  the  transaction  of  other  than  strictly  law-making  business  ; 
my  own  views  are  clear  on  this  point ;  the  limit  is  decided,  and  so 
long  as  the  power  is  placed  in  my  hands,  I  shall  interpose  every  legal 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  any  transgression. 

Tli  ere  are  other  points  of  objection  appertaining  more  particularly 
to  details,  to  which  it  will  be  unnecessary  to  allude.  I  do  not  see  how 
we  are  to  surmount  those  already  enumerated.  If,  however,  you  do 
not  concur  with  me,  permit  me  to  suggest  that  before  making  any 
contract  for  this  work,  careful  surveys  be  made  by  competent  and 
honest  engineers,  and  that  the  money  to  pay  for  it  be  placed  in  the 
tax  bill,  and  authority  be  procured  from  the  Legislature  to  raise  it 
for  this  purpose.  Very  respectfully, 

FEKNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


INDICTMENT  OF  'ALDEKMEN. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW- YORK,  Sept.  24/A,  1855. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Aldermen  : 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  inclose  a  copy  of  a  communication  made  to  me 
this  day  by  A.  Oakey  Hall,  Esq.,  District- Attorney  of  the  city,  stat 
ing  that  indictments  have  been  found  by  the  Grand-Jury  against  cer- 
tain  members  of  your  body  for  corrupt  practices  in  the  discharge  of 
their  official  duties.  However  painful  and  humiliating  it  is  to  me  to 
make  this  announcement,  and  for  you  to  receive  it,  still  we  owe  a 
duty  to  the  public  from  which  we  must  not  shrink,  affect  whom  it 
may.  Your  body  should  not  only  be  purged  of  every  corrupt  mem 
ber  who  may  hold  a  place  among  you,  but  the  utmost  penalty  of  the 
law  should  be  jnflicted  against  every  man  thus  guilty.  This  commu- 
munity  has  struggled  against  its  own  officials  long  enough.  Its 


330  APPENDIX. 

repeated  efforts  to  reduce  the  expenditures,  to  raise  the  standard  of 
the  incumbents  of  office,  and  to  improve  the  character  of  the  govern 
ment  of  the  city,  will  continue  futile  so  long  as  the  legislative  branch 
is  impure  and  unfaithful.  From  a  corrupt  fountain  nothing  but  con 
tamination  can  flow.  A  Common  Council  without  integrity,  K 
the  source  and  origin  of  the  ordinances,  will  not  fail  to  impart  iu 
own  spirit  to  those  who  are  to  execute  its  proceedings,  until  the  whole 
machinery  of  government  will  speedily  become  rotten  and  demoral 
ized.  It  is  the  conviction  of  honest  men,  that  in  the  management  of 
our  public  affairs  we  are  fast  progressing  to  "this  lamentable  state  of 
degradation.  In  my  opinion,  public  indignation  can  not  be  mueli 
longer  suppressed.  We  are  approaching  a  crisis  when  the  general 
cry  will  be,  "  Reformation  or  revolution."  New-York,  so  strong,  so 
proud,  so  eminent  in  all  that  constitutes  commercial  honor,  hard- 
earned  wealth,  and  exalted  social  position,  can  not,  with  all  her  great 
ness,  long  resist  the  gnawings  of  this  foul  canker,  working  thus 
steadily  at  her  municipal  heart.  It  behoves  us,  therefore,  to  make 
common  cause  in  a  common  effort,  without  reference  to  party  predi 
lections  or  personal  animosities,  to  redeem,  if  possible,  the  fair  fame 
of  our  city  from  the  load  of  official  ignominy  which  is  now  bearing 
it  down.  Yery  respectfully, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


AMENDED    CHARTER. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW-YORK,  Sept.  24,  1855. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Board  of  Coundlmen  : 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  return  you  herewith  a  preamble  and  resolutions 
presented  to  me  for  approval,  which  proposes  to  create  a  Joint  Com 
mittee  of  the  two  Boards  of  the  Common  Council  for  the  purpose  of 
devising  a  new  charter  for  the  city. 

By  the  fourth  section  of  the  amendments  to  the  Charter,  passed 
April  2,  1849,  it  is  provided  that  "  the  two  Boards  shall  have  con 
current  powers,  and  a  negative  on  each  other's  proceedings,  and  shall, 


APPENDIX.  331 

in  all  cases,  act  as  separate  bodies,  and  shall  not  appoint  Joint  Com 
mittees,  except  a  Committee  on  Accounts."  Therefore,  the  Common 
Council  have  not  the  power  to  create  Joint  Committees  for  this  or 
any  other  purpose,  except  only  as  it  relates  to  accounts. 

I  am  aware  that  this  resolution,  by  calling  first  for  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  Committee  by  your  Board,  and  then  a  similar  Committee 
to  "  confer  with  it,"  by  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  seeks  to  avoid  what 
is  termed  a  Joint  Committee  ;  but  the  wording  of  the  second  resolu 
tion,  in  stating  that  the  two  committees  may  "jointly"  make  appli 
cation  to  the  Legislature  after  having  u  jointly"  agreed  upon  a  char 
ter,  fixes  its  character  clearly  within  the  restriction  of  the  amended 
charter  referred  to. 

But,  admitting  that  this  objection  has  been  avoided,  there  are 
others  of  sufficient  weight  to  prevent  my  approval. 

One  of  the  peculiar  and  suspicious  features  of  this  proceeding  is 
the  last  clause  of  the  second  resolution,  which  gives  to  this  Joint 
Committee  power  to  "  make  application  to  the  Legislature,  at  its 
next  session,  for  the  enactment  of  the  Charter,"  which  it  is  thus  em 
powered  to  devise,  without  any  submission  of  it  to  the  Common 
Council,  or  to  the  people  of  the  city.  I  can  not  consent  to  delegate 
such  a  power  to  any  committee,  however  unexceptionable  as  to  ability 
or  character.  Ten  men,  to  be  selected  by  the  two  presiding  officers 
of  the  present  Common  Council,  should  not  be  intrusted  with  such  an 
important  duty,  to  be  performed  without  check,  without  supervision, 
or  even  without  accountability. 

Another  objection,  not  much  less  forcible,  is  that  this  Committee 
is  authorized  to  proceed  to  a  Legislature  yet  to  be  chosen,  when  the 
body  it  purports  to  represent  must  have  ceased  to  have  an  official 
existence.  The  Legislature  does  not  convene  before  January  next, 
when  an  entire  new  Board  of  Councilmen  and  new  members  for  one 
half  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen  will  be  sitting  in  the  places  now  filled 
by  the  bodies  which  get  up  this  proceeding.  How  then  could  this 
Joint  Committee  with  propriety  represent  the  Mayor  and  Common 
ality  of  New- York,  at  the  time  its  influence  is  to  be  exercised  ?  «y*. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  state  the  many  difficulties  which  present 
themselves  to  me  in  the  way  of  the  measure.  That  the  Charter 


832  APPENDIX. 

should  be  amended  all  admit ;  that  it  is  exceedingly  defective  and 
susceptible  of  great  improvement,  we  all  know.  This  subject  was 
alluded  to  in  the  first  communication  submitted  to  the  Common  Coun 
cil  on  the  1st  of  January  last.  A  portion  of  the  intervening  months 
could  have  been  profitably  passed  in  devising  a  proper  Charter,  which 
after  due  deliberation  and  general  consultation  would  be  ready  to  be 
presented  to  the  next  Legislature  for  adoption. 

It  is  now  too  late  for  this  Common  Council  to  take  up  the  subject. 

The  next  Common  Council  will  be  "  fresh  from  the  people,"  and 
probably  command  public  confidence  to  a  greater  extent.     Let  the 
duty  of  amending  the  Charter  be  left  with  your  successors. 
"Very  respectfully, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 


APROPOS  OF  PAUPER  AND   FELON   EMIGRANTS. 

OFFICE  OF  CITY  INFIRMARY,  CINCINNATI,  Oct.  23, 1855. 

Hon.  Fernando  Wood,  Mayor  of  the  City  of  New  York  : 

DEAR  SIR  :  Having  heard  and  read  frequent  reports  of  the  vigor  you 
exercise  in  regard  to  the  importations  of  foreign  paupers  into  your  city, 
by  the  aid  and  sanction  of  foreign  governments,  we  would  respectfully 
call  your  attention  to  facts  which  have  been  made  manifest  to  us  for 
some  time  back,  in  relation  to  the  trans-shipment  of  foreign  paupers 
to  the  West,  by  aid  of  the  Emigration  Societies,  and,  as  is  alleged,  by 
your  city  authorities.  Of  this  last,  however,  we  know  nothing  cer 
tain,  having  only  the  words  of  the  paupers  arriving  here.  Bat  this 
much  is  certain,  that  we  have  almost  weekly  arrivals  of  batches  of 
from  three  to  twelve  paupers,  who  are  sent  here  from  your  city,  and 
are  landed  amongst  us  without  money  or  friends,  many  of  whom  are 
sick  when  landed,  whose  expenses  to  this  place  are  paid  by  the  Emi 
gration  Societies  of  your  city,  or  by  the  city  authorities  themselves- 
These,  if  not  sent  back,  would  soon  become  a  public  charge  upon  us. 
Many  are  in  a  sickly  condition,  and  can  not  be  sent  back  ;  others 


APPENDIX.  833 

linger  along  for  a  while  until  they  become  fastened  npon  us,  and 
finally  become  a  public  charge  for  life. 

We  ask  you  if  this  is  right — well  knowing,  from  the  estimate  we 
have  formed  of  your  character,  that  your  response  will  be  emphati 
cally  "  No."  We  therefore  call  upon  you  to  aid  us  in  putting  a  stop 
to  this  nefarious  practice,  by  all  the  power  you  can  bring  to  your 
aid,  as  soon  as  possible.  We  are  informed  that  by  your  laws  you 
compel  each  and  every  foreigner  arriving  at  your  port,  to  pay  two 
dollars  towards  a  fund,  from  which  to  pay  the  expenses  of  any  for 
eigners  who  may  hereafter  become  a  charge  on  your  poor  fund.  This 
fund,  from  the  great  number  of  emigrants  arriving  at  your  port,  must 
necessarily  be  very  large,  and  ought  to  be  sufficient  to  keep  them, 
without  sending  them  away  to  be  maintained  at  the  expense  of  our 
and  other  cities,  who  have  no  such  fund. 

We  have  come  to  the  determination  to  send  all  back,  as  fast  as 
they  come,  hereafter ;  and,  as  a  matter  of  justice  to  us,  we  call  upon 
you  to  use  your  authority  to  stay  the  evil,  or,  if  you  have  no  power 
in  me  premises,  at  least  to  expose  the  matter,  so  that  we  may  know 
flie  blame  rests,  and  apply  the  proper  remedy. 

Respectfully  yours,  A.  S.  HORXUNG, 

Clerk  Board  City  Infirmary. 
tf  dcr  of  ADAM  HORXUXG,       \ 

WILLIAM  GROSSMAN,  >  Directors  City  Infirmary. 
GEO.  A.  PETER,          j 


MAYOR'S  OFFICE,  NEW-YORK,  Nov.  3, 1855. 
DEAR  SIRS  :  Your  letter  of  the  23d  ult.,  respecting  the  supposed 
'vans-shipment  of  foreign  criminals  and  paupers  from  this  city  to  the 
West,  by  the  authorities  and  emigrant  societies  of  New- York,  would 
have  been  replied  to  sooner  but  for  pressing  public  duties.  I  have 
now  the  pleasure  to  advise  that  such  is  not  the  fact,  and  that  I  am 
confident  no  such  violation  of  the  common  principles  of  justice  and 
courtesy  has  ever  taken  place  in  this  city. 


834  APPENDIX. 

You  are  quite  right  in  supposing  that  my  own  feelings  and  views 
would  be  hostile  to  practices  of  this  character,  upon  the  part  of  the 
authorities  and  others  here.  The  stand  taken  by  me  with  reference 
to  the  shipment  to  our  port  of  these  unfortunates,  by  the  local  author 
ities  of  European  governments,  would  preclude  me  from  countenanc 
ing  the  perpetration  of  the  same  wrong  upon  the  people  of  your  city, 
It  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  do  that  which  I  have  so  often  de 
nounced  in  others.  But  it  is  very  certain,  there  have  been  no  such 
trans-shipments.  The  emigrant  paupers  and  criminals  to  whom  you 
allude,  as  having  been  forwarded  to  Cincinnati,  were  no  doubt  sent 
thither  direct  from  the  prisons  of  their  own  country.  This  has  been 
the  practice  for  several  years.  The  stringency  of  my  own  course,  in 
objecting  to  the  reception  and  incorporation  of  this  outcast  popula 
tion  into  our  own  community,  has  no  doubt  had  the  effect  to  increase 
this  practice,  in  supposed  avoidance  of  the  grounds  upon  which  we 
refuse  to  receive  them.  I  am  happy  to  advise,  however,  that  it  has 
had  no  such  tendency.  I  feel  it  incumbent  upon  me  not  only  to  pro 
tect  New- York,  but  the  whole  country,  from  so  great  an  evil,  so  far 
as  I  have  the  power,  and  reject  and  return  forthwith  every  such  per 
son  known  to  me,  whether  intended  to  be  domiciled  in  this  city  or 
sent  to  the  West.  My  policy  and  practice  has  been  to  return  them 
forthwith,  if  possible  by  the  vessel  that  brought  them.  The  Ham 
burgh  ship  Deutschland,  from  Hamburgh,  which  arrived  at  this  port 
on  the  17th  September,  brought  four  criminals,  sent  out  by  the  order 
and  at  the  expense  of  the  authorities  of  Giistrow,  Duchy  of  Mecklen 
burg,  direct  from  the  prison  at  that  place.  These  persons  were  pro 
vided  with  through-tickets  from  New- York  to  Milwaukee.  These 
tickets  -were  purchased  from  the  agents  in  Hamburgh.  All  the 
principal  forwarding  lines  have  agencies  in  the  leading  European 
cities,  for  the  sale  of  through-tickets  into  the  interior  of  this  country. 

Thus  you  will  see  that  although  the  foreign  emigrants,  alluded  to 
by  you,  may  properly  represent  themselves  as  from  this  city,  they 
have  merely  passed  through  it,  en  route  from  some  workhouse  or  poor- 
house  in  other  lands  ;  and  instead  of  being  sent  by  our  own  authorities, 
have  been  forwarded,  even  to  your  very  doors,  by  the  inhumane  and 
inhospitable  governors  and  overseers  of  their  own  country. 


APPENDIX.  335 

I  fully  appreciate  the  sentiments  expressed  in  your  letter,  on  this 
subject.  In  my  judgment,  the  evil  is  becoming  of  sufficient  magni 
tude  to  call  for  the  action  of  the  General  Government.  Our  whole 
country  is  more  or  less  interested.  Its  effect  upon  society  and  taxa 
tion  is  no  longer  insignificant,  and  must  soon  attract  the  thoughtful 
concern  of  the  statesman  and  patriot.  Very  respectfully, 

FERNANDO  WOOD,  Mayor. 
To  Messrs.  ADAM  HORNUNG, 

WILLIAM  GROSSMAN,    [    Directors  City  Infirmary. 

GEO.  A.  PETER, 


BOOKS    PUBLISHED    BY    CHAS.    SCRIBNER. 


Draft  SKraWfti  Kforks. 


LIFE    OF    SIR    WALTER    SCOTT. 

BY   DONALD    MACLEOD. 
1  vol.,  12mo.,  cloth,  with  portrait.    Price  $1. 

"  This  18  a  model  biography.  The  author  has  delineated  the  character  of  him  onco 
styled  the  Great  Unknown,  so  that  all  who  read  these  pages  may  know  him,  and  cherish 
for  him  a  personal  attachment." — Christian  Intelligencer. 

"  This  is  a  most  delightful  and  even  fascinating  volume.  Its  fascination  consists  m  the 
clear  flow  of  its  narration,  warm  with  a  glowing  love  for  its  subject,  and  all  over  gemmed 
with  racy  and  sparkling  anecdote. 

"  It  tells  the  story  of  the  great  wizard's  life  with  simple  directness,  condensing  the  more 
elaborate  narratives  of  others,  and  culling  from  them  only  the  more  salient  and  spicy 
facts  of  his  biography,  thus  making  it  one  of  the  agreeable  books  of  the  season." — Watch 
man  and  Observer. 

"  We  can  but  commend  this  work  to  our  readers  as  one  of  unflagging  interest,  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  ;  written  in  language  simple  but  often  exceedingly  picturesque,  and 
always  in  keeping  with  the  particular  theme  in  hand."— Knickerbocker  Magazine. 

"  A  fresher,  pleasanter,  more  vivacious  biography  we  have  seldom  read." — Temp. 
Courier. 

"  We  should  not  be  surprised  if  this  Life  of  the  '  Author  of  Wavcrley '  finds  as  many 
readers  as  anything  which  has  before  been  written  about  the  true  'Wizard  of  the  North.' " 
— The  Presbyterian. 

"  It  is  written  with  great  care  and  judgment,  and  portrays  the  remarkable  career  of 
the  great  novelist  with  an  exactness  and  fidelity  that  renders  it  as  valuable  as  a  work  of 
reference,  as  it  is  interesting  ia  its  subject." — Home  Gazette. 

"With  a  loving,  reverential  spirit,  and  a  fair  power  of  discernment,  he  has  drawn  a 
graceful  outline  of  the  personal  life  and  character  of  Sir  Walter.  It  is  peculiarly  a  book 
for  Iho  people,  and  as  such  has  its  charms  ;  and  yet  no  one,  however  familiar  he  may  be 
with  the  Great  Magician  of  the  North,  will  read  it  without  pleasure." — New  York  Cowrier 
and  Enquirer. 


THE   IDLER    OF   THE    ALPS, 

OB,   PYNNSHURST  AND  HIS   WANDERINGS. 

BY   DONALD    MACLEOD. 
1  vol.,  12mo.,  cloth,    Price  $1  25. 

"  We  have  certainly,  since  Thackeray,  had  no-  such  pleasant  tourist ;  incidents,  adven 
tures,  comic  as  well  as  serious,  anecdotes,  descriptions,  poetry,  and  satire,  are  most  happily 
intermingled,  and  the  result  is  as  delightful  a  volume  for  a  summer  day  or  a  winter  even 
ing,  as  we  have  seen  for  a  long  time." — Philadelphia  Evening  Bulletin. 

•'This  is  an  eminently  clever  and  readable  work,  which,  we  venture  to  predict,  will 
at  once  secure  its  author  a  distinguished  place  among  American  writers.  It  is  a  fine  tissue 
of,  humor,  wit,  and  adventure,  pathos  and  description,  woven  into  just  enough  of  acting 
ind  moving  ?tcry  to  create  a  lively  Inte'resV — Graham's  Magazine. 


COMPLETE  HlSTOm  OF  THE  EUBOPEU  VII, 

WILL  BE  READY  JAN.  1ST,  1855, 


OF    THE 


BATTLES  OF  THE  CRIMEA, 

AND    HISTORICAL    SUMMARY    OF    THE 


Being  an  authentic  Compendium  of  the  War,  from  its  commencement 
with  Turkey  to  the  present  time.  Giving  a  graphic  picture  of  the 
great  drama  of  "War;  its  bloody  encounters;  thrilling  incidents; 
hair-breadth  escapes  ;  individual  daring  ;  personal  anecdotes,  &c,  &c. 
The  work  will  contain  eight  fall-page  Engravings,  illustrating  the 

stirring  scenes  in  the  Crimea,  and  a  splendid 


©Iciu  rf 


Taken  since  the  Fall,  by  an  Artist  eight  months  in  the  Crimea  —  Showing 
the  present  position  of  the  Eussians,  occupying  the  North,  and  the 
Allies  the  South  side  ;  Fortifications,  Batteries,  &c.,  with  forty-two  refer 
ences  to  important  points  and  positions. 

ALSO,  A   NEW 

MAP  OF  THE  SEAT  OF  WAR, 

Including  the  Crimea  ;  Black,  Baltic,  and  Azoff  Seas  ;  Danubian  Pro 
vinces,  Russia,  Turkey  in  Asia  ;  with  Ground  Plans  of  Cronstadt,  St. 
Petersburg,  and  Siege  Operations  before  Sebastopol.  Octavo,  170 
pages.  Price,  75  cents. 

O.  F.  Parsons,  Publisher, 

140  NASSAU  STREET,  N.  Y. 


WILL  BE  PUBLISHED,  JANUARY  IST,  185G, 
WELLS'  NEW  NATIONAL  CHART, 

ENTITLED, 

AMERICA'S  BATTLES. 

Splendidly  illustrated  with  life-like  Engravings  of  America's  MILITARY 
Am  NAVAL  HEROES,  and  embracing  all  the  Battles,  Skirmishes,  and 
Assaults,  in  which  the  American  Troops  have  been  engaged,  commencing 
with  the  Revolution,  and  ending  with  the  fall  of  the  City  of  Mexico. 
Giving  the  date  and  location  of  every  Battle;  between  whom  fought  ; 
and  the  number  killed  and  wounded  —  making  a  complete  Compendium 
History  of  America's  Battles. 

B^P  As  a  Chart  of  Reference  alone  worth  many  times  the  cost. 
Every  man,  woman,  and  child  in  the  United  States  should  possess  a 
copy.     Price  —  within  the  reach  of  all  —  only  25  cents. 
AGENTS  WANTED.        Address, 

O.  F.  PARSONS,  PUBLISHER, 

14O  Nassau  Street,  N.  Y. 

WILL  BE  PUBLISHED,  JANUARY  IST,  1856, 


A  magnificent  Sheet  —  combining  the  World  on  the  Equatorial  Projection, 
and  the  World  on  Mercator's  Projection.  Showing  the  principal 
Routes  of  Ocean  Steamers  ;  Kane's  Route  to  the  Arctic  Regions  ;  and 
Route  from  Europe  to  China  and  Japan,  through  the  United  States; 
with  Charts  showing  the  Relative  Proportions  of  Rain  on  the  Earth, 
Distribution  of  Winds  ;  with  Tables  of  Population,  Religions,  &c.,  and 
Comparative  Scale  of  Education  ;  together  with  Engravings  showing 
the  Costumes  of  all  Nations.  Adapted  to  the  wants  of  Schools  and 
Academies,  and  the  universal  public. 

PRICE,  MOUNTED  ON  ROLLERS,  $3  00. 

"       IN  POCKET  FORM,          -        -        -        -      1  00. 

Agents  wanted  in  all  parts  of  the  United  States  and  the  Canadas, 
Address, 

O.  R  PAKSONS,  PUBLISHER, 

140  NASSAU  STREET,   N.  Y. 


LIST  OF  NEW  WAR  CHARTS. 

Wells'  New  Plan  of  Sebastopol  and  Map  of  the 
Seat  of  War  combined.    Size,  25  by  38  inches.         •  $0  25 
The  same,  in  Spanish, -        -        25 

Wells'  New  Map  of  the  Seat  of  War.   Pocket  form,       25 

Wells'  New  Map  of  the  Crimea,  Sea  of  AzofF, 
Europe,  and  Panoramic  View  of  Sebastopol, 

taken  since  the  fall.     Size,  30  by  33  inches.  •  25 

The  same,  in  Pocket  form, 37^ 

Wells'  New  Chart  of  the  Bombardment  and  Fall 
of  Sebastopol,  combined  with  a  French  En 
gineer's  Topographical  Range-Map  of  Sebas 
topol.  Showing  the  range  of  all  the  guns,  and  the  distance 
they  carry ;  formation  of  the  grounds ;  strategetic  points  ; 
roads,  fortifications,  batteries,  harbors,  battle-grounds,  dis 
tances,  etc.  Size,  25  by  38  inches, 25 

The  same,  Pocket  form, 3T| 

Wells'  New  Chart  of  Sebastopol,  Crimea,  Europe, 
Black,  Baltic,  and  Azoflf  Seas,  with  Engravings 
of  the  Crowned  Heads.  Size,  25  by  32  inches,  -  25 

The  same,  Pocket  form, 37^ 

Address, 

o.  :E\.  :E>.A.:R,soisrs3 

PUBLISHER,   140  NASSAU  ST.,   N.  Y. 
SOMETHING  NEW  FOR  THE  FIRESIDE. 

IN  PRESS,  AND  WILL  BE  READY  JAN.  1ST,  1856, 

NEW  GAMES  FOR  THE  SOCIAL  CIRCLE, 

ENTITLED 

GAMES  of  YOUNG  AMERICA, 

SOCIAL,    ENTERTAINING,   INSTRUCTIVE. 

The  above  Games  are  founded  upon  important  events  in  our  country's 
history;  and  for  entertainment  and  instruction  they  eminently  fill  a  void 
long  felt  by  those  desirous  of  combining  the  pleasing  with  the  useful  and 
entertaining.  They  consist  of  fifty-two  cards,  and  are  capable  of  being 
played  in  several  different  ways.  Price,  50  cents. 

O-  F.  PARSONS,  PUBLISHER, 

140  NASSAU  STREET,  N.  Y. 


CATALOGUE  OF 

BOOKS,  MAPS,  AND  CHARTS, 

ADAPTED  ESPECIALLY  TO  THE  WANTS  OP  AGENTS, 
140     NASSAU    STREET, 

Between  the  Times  and  the  Tribune  Offices,    )  ATI? ~\V   VAT)  IT 

Office  of  the  Monthly  Trade  Gazette,  j  IN  JJJ  \  V  "  1  UilJYt 


Retail 
Prices. 


Battles  of  the  Crimea,  including  a  complete  Historical  Summary 
of  the  Russian  War,  from  the  commencement  (giving  an  ac 
count  of  the  origin)  to  the  present  time.  Embellished  with  eight 
splendid  full-page  Engravings,  illustrating  the  Stirring  Scenes'in 
the  Crimea,  and  a  superb  Map  of  the  CRIMEA,  BLACK  SEA,  DANU- 
BIAX  PROVINCES,  TURKEY  in  ASIA,  a  Ground  Plan  of  ST.  PETERS- 
BURGII  and  CKONSTADT,  a  Ground  Plan  of  SIEGE  OPERATIONS  BE 
FORE  SEBASTOPOL,  and  a  PLAN  OF  SEBASTOPOL,  showing  its  Forti 
fications,  Siege  Works,  Batteries,  Position  of  Contending  Forces, 
etc.  Octavo,  128  pages, 

WELLS'  Lawyer  and  United  States  Form  Book,  containing  Le 
gal  Information,  Forms,  Laws,  etc.  Adapted  to  every  part  of  the 


United  States.    12mo.    Full  bound, 


Half  bound,   

The  American  Lawyer  -and  Business  Man's  Form  Book,  con 
taining  Legal  information,  meeting  almost  every  possible  circum- 
Ftance  in  the  ordinary  transactions  of  business  in  any  part  of  the 
United  States.  It  also  contains  a  new  and  beautiful  Map  and  Seal 
of  each  State,  with  the  County  Lines  delineated,  besides  a  Map  of 
the  United  States.  l'2mo.  Full  bound, 


Half  bound, 


0  50 


1  00 
0  75 


1  00 
0  75 
0  75 


In  German.     Half  bound, 

do.  Cloth, I  1  00 

Pronouncing  Gazetteer  of  the  World,  or  Geographical  Diction 
ary,  containing  a  greater  amount  of  matter  than  any  single  vol 


ume  in  the  English  language, 
PHELPS'  One  Hundred  Cities  and  Large  Towns  of  America. 
Being  a  description  of  One  Hundred  Cities  and  Towns,  giving  the 
Population  at  the  various  Censuses  for  the  past  Thirty  Years ;  to 
gether  with  the  principal  Railroad  and  Steamboat  Koutesand  Dis 
tances;  with  Maps  of  Fourteen  of  the  principal  Cities;  Bird's  eye 
View  of  New-York ;  View  of  Crystal  Palace,  etc.,  etc.  Those 
having  Colored  Maps, 


Those  having  Plain  Maps 


G  00 


0  33 
0  25 


PARSONS     CATALOGUE. 


Book  of  th9  World, 

FANNIKG'S  Illustrated  Gazetteer  of  the  United  States.  Cen 
sus  of  1850.  Illustrated  with  Maps  of  all  the  States,  and  the  largest 
Cities.  8vo.  Full  bound, 

Do.  Do.  Do,         with  Map  of  the  United  States, 

Do.  Do.  Do.          Half  bound, 

Do.  Do.  Do.  "  with  Map, 

Illustrated  Biography  of  all  Nations, 

Danger  in  the  Dark, 

HOGAN  on  Popery, .- 

Stanhope  Burltigh, 

Paul  and  Julia.    Gilt, 

Plain, 

Traditions  of  De-coo-dah,  and  Antiquarian  Researches,  relating 
to  a  Eace  of  Inhabitants  in  America  before  the  Indians.  Svo., 

Lives  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States, 

Wedding  Gift 

Farmers'  Guide  in  the  Management  of  Domestic  Animals,  — 

Frugal  Housewife's  Kitchen  Companion,  

Family  D;ctor,  

Family  Receipt  Book, 

Book  of  the  United  States, 

The  Lions  of  New-York,  being  a  Guide  to  Objects  of  Interest  in  and 
around  the  Great  Metropolis.  By  II.  PIIELPS, 

The  Art  of  Pleasing;  or,  the  American  Lady  and  f-entlemau's 
Book  of  Etiqustte.  A  Work  fur  every  Parent,  Teacher,  and 
Guardian,  as  well  as  every  young  person  about  entering  Society. 
This  book  is  bound  in  gilt  binding,  and  sold  at  the  low  price  of ... 

MRS.  BRADLEY'S  Housekeeper's  Guide,  Family  Receipt  and 
Cook  Book.  A  Book  for  every  Mother,  Wife,  and  Daughter, 

Life  of  Henry  Clay,  illustrated  with  his  Portrait,  and  a  Picture  of  his 
Birth-place,  in  Pamphlet  Form, , 

The  Fair  Rehel ;  a  Tale  of  Colonial  Times.  By  EMMEKSON  BEN 
NETT.  In  PamphletForm, Illustrated, 

Do.  Do.  Do.  Not  Illustrated, 

Adalaslra ;  or,  the  Strange  and  Mysterious  Family  of  the  Cave 
of  Genreva.  By  GEORGE  W.  L.  BICKLEY,  M.D.,  Author  of 
"  Tazewell  Co.,"  etc., 

New-York ;  Its  Upper  Ten  and  Lower  Million.    The  last  and 
best  Work  ever  written  by  GFOP.GE  LIPPARP.  In  Muslin  Binding, 
Do  Do.  Do.  Thick  Paper    " 

The  Medical  Light-House.    By  n.  K.  EOOT, 

A  Variety  of  32  Page  PAMPHLETS,  with  Circulars,  at 

"          43      "  "  "  at 

04      «  "  «  at ... 

96  to  112  "        "  "  at 

Life  of  Horace  Greeley, 

"    P.  T  Barnum,  

"    James  Gordon  Bennett,  

"    Wm.  H.Seward, 


Life  of  Sam  Houston, 

"    George  Law, 

Ida  May.    By  MAKY  LANGDOX, 

Ihe  May-Flower.    By  MRS.  STOWE, 
Star  Papers.     By  II.  W.  BEECHER,  . . 

Woman  of  the  19th  Century, 

The  Marines,  

Which-The  Eight  or  the  Left  ?. . . 


Retail 
Prices. 

I  25 
1  25 
1  25 
1  25 
1  25 
1  00 
1  25 
1  25 


POCKET  MAPS  AND   QUIDES. 


Retail 
Prices. 


WELLS'  New  Map  of  the  Seat  of  War,  including  the  Crimea, 
BUck  Sea,  Danubian  Provinces,  Russia,  Turkey  in  Asia,  a  Ground 
Plan  of  Cronstadt,  St.  Petersburg!!,  and  Siege  Operations  before 


Sebastopol, 


WELLS'  New  Plan  of  Sebastopol,  showing  the  City  of  Sebasto 
pol,  its  Fortifications,  Batteries,  Siege  Works,  Position  of  Contend 
ing  Forces,  etc., 

RANNEY'S  New  Map  of  the  United  State?,  exhibiting  all  the 
Xe\v  Territorial  Boundaries  extending  through  to  the  Pacific 
Coast,  with  the  Principal  Completed  and  Projected  Railroad 
Routes,  including  the  various  Routes  to  the  Pacific;  Census  of  the 
United  States  ;  Wealth  ;  Number  of  Representatives,  etc.  Printed 
in  Three  Colors,  and  Colored  in  States, 

The  Teacher's  Present,  being  the  Grammatical  Tree,  neatly  put  up 


in  Pocket  form.     Bound  in  Red  Muslin.    Gilt, 


MORSE'S  New  Railroad  and  Township  Map  of  Illinois.  The 
most  correct  Map  extant, 

Guide  Book  through  the  United  States,  etc.  Travellers1  and 
Tourists'  Guide  Book  through  the  United  States  of  America  and 
the  Canadas.  Containing  the  Routes  and  Distances  on  all  the 
great  lines  of  travel  by  Railroads,  Canals,  Stage  Roads  and  Steam 
boats;  together  with  Descriptions  of  the  several  States,  and  the 
principal  Cities,  Towns,  and  Villages  in  each  ;  accompanied  \viih 
a  large  and  accurate  Map, 

Western  Portraiture,  and  Emigrants'  Guide.  A  Description 
of  Wisconsin,  Illinois,  and  Iowa,  with  Remarks  on  Minnesota  and 
other  Territories.  By  DANIEL  S.  CUUTISS.  In  1  vol.,  12mo,  pp. 
3<50.  Illustrated  with'a  Township  Map, 

The  Western  Tourist,  and  Emigrants'  Guide  through  the  States 
of  Ohio,  Michigan,  Indiana,  Illinois.  Missouri,  Iowa,  and  Wisconsin, 
and  the  Territories  of  Minnesota,  Missouri,  and  Nebraska,  being  an 
accurate  and  concise  description  of  each  State  and  Territory ;  and 
containing  the  Routes  and  Distances  on  the  great  lines  of  travel; 
accompanied  with  a  large  and  minute  Map  exhibiting  the  Town 
ship  Lines  of  the  United  States1  Surveys,  the  Boundaries  of  Coun 
ties,  and  the  Position  of  Cities,  Villages,  and  Settlements,  etc , 


0  25 


0  25 


0  50 
0  50 


0  50 


0  50 


1  00 


1  00 


0  75 


PARSONS     CATALOGUE. 


Eoute  Book  through  the  United  States,  etc.  Travellers1  and 
Tourists'  IJoute  Book  through  the  United  States  of  America  and 
the  Canadas.  Containing  the  Routes  and  Distances  on  all  the 
great  Ijnes  of  travel  by  Railroads,  Stage  Roads,  Canals,  Rivers,  and 
Lakes,  etc. ;  accompanied  with  a  large  and  accurate  Map, 

Map  Of  the  State  of  New-York.  With  the  Stations  and  Distances 
on  Eailroads  in  and  running  out  of  the  State, 

Township  Map  of  Pennsylvania, 

Ohio, 

"        "      Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  &  Khode-Island, 
Pocket  Map  Of  New- York  City,  showing  the  entire  Island,  with 

Brooklyn  and  Williamsburgh,  

Map  of  the  City  of  New- York,  with  Street  Directory, 

PHELPS'  New-York  City  Guide  and  Conductor  to  Environs, 

Muslin.  Gilt, 

Do.  Do.  Do.  Paper  Covers, 

Guide  Book  through  the  New-England  and  Middle  States. 
Travellers'  and  Tourists'  Guide  Book  through  the  New-England 
and  Middle  States,  and  the  Canadas.  Containing  the  Routes  and 
Distances  on  all  the  great  lines  of  travel  by  Eailroads,  Canals,  Stage 
Roads,  and  Steamboats,  together  with  descriptions  of  the  several 
States,  and  the  principal  Cities,  Towns,  and  Villages  in  each ;  ac 
companied  with  a  large  and  accurate  Map, 

PHELPS'  Travellers'  Guide  through  the  United  States.  Con 
taining  nearly  Eight  Hundred  Railroad,  Steamboat,  Canal,  and 
Stage  Routes.  Revised  Edition, 

ENSIGN  &  THAYER'S  Guide  through  the  Western  States. 
With  a  List  of  all  the  Railroad,  Steamboat,  Canal,  and  Stage  Routes 
therein, 

Railroad  and  Township  Map  of  Ohio.  A  large  and  elegant  Map. 

Just  published.  Colored  in  Towns, 

Do.  Do.  Do.  Colored  in  Counties, 

Map  of  Canada,  East  and  West,  

COLTON'S  New  Series  of  Maps  for  Travellers.  This  Series  em 
braces  Maps  of  each  of  the  United  States,  of  the  several  British 
Provinces,  and  of  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  the  West-Indies; 
exhibiting,  with  accuracy,  the  Railroads,  Canals,  Stage  Routes, 
etc. ;  also,  the  principal  'Cities,  and  other  objects  of  interest,  in 
appended  Diagrams. 


Retail. 

Retail. 

Alabama,    

$0  33 

Maine  

40  33 

Pennsylvania,  .  . 

Arkansas 

0  38 

Massachusetts  .... 

0  33 

Rhode-Island,.  . 

Canada  East,  
Canada  West,  
Connecticut,  
Delaware  and   
Maryland  

0  33 
0  33 
0  33 
0  33 
0  33 

and  Rhode  I.,  
Michigan,  N'h  .... 
Michigan,  S'h  
Minnesota,  
Mississippi,  

0  33 
0  33 
0  33 
0  38 
0  33 

South-Carolina,  . 
Texas,  
Vermont,  
Virginia,  
Wisconsin  

Florida,  

0  33 

Missouri,  

0  35 

West-Indies,      . 

Georgia,  
Illinois 

0  33 
0  33 

N.  Brunswick,  

Nova  Scotia, 

0  33 
0  38 

California,  

Indiana,  

0  38 

etc  ,  

0  39 

Mexico  

Iowa,  

0  33 

N.  Hampshire,  .... 

0  88 

N  w-Mexico 

Kentucky  and  .  .  . 
Tennessee,  
Lake  Superior,  .  .  . 
Louisiana  

0  33 
0  33 
0  83 

0  33 

New-Jersey,    
New-York  
N'th-  Carolina,  
Ohio,  

0  83 
0  33 
0  83 
0  38 

and  Utah,  j 
Oregon    and     . 
Washington    . 
Territory  

PARSONS     CATALOGUE. 


o  EC  .  A.:.:B  T  B  , 

IN  SHEETS,  COLORED,  SIZE  23  BY  31  INCHES,  AND  LARGER. 

Tbe  following  will  bo  found  the  most  useful,  as  well  as  the  most  salable  List  of 
Charts  ever  offered  to  the  Public. 

Retail 
Prices. 


WELLS'  New  Map  of  the  Seat  of  War  and  Plan  of  Sebastopol 
Combined,  showing  the  City  of  Sebastopol,  its  Fortifications,  Bat 
teries,  Position  of  Contending  Forces,  and  a  superb  Map  of  the 
Crimea,  Black  Sea,  Danubian  Provinces,  Russia.  Turkey  in  Asia, 
a  Plan  of  Cronstadt,  St.  Petersburg!!,  and  a  Ground  Plan  of  Siege 
Operations  before  Sebastopol— 25  by  33  inches, 

WELLS'  New  Plan  of  Sebastopol, 

Map  of  the  Seat  of  War, 

Europe  and  her  Sovereigns, 

War  in  Europe, 

Maps  of  Wisconsin,  Iowa,  and  Minnesota, 

World's  Progress, 

A  New  and  Beautiful  Map  of  the  United  States,  exhibiting  all 
the  new  Territorial  Boundaries,  extending  through  to  the  Pacific 
Coast,  with  the  principal  Completed  and  Projected  Railroad 
Routes,  including  the  various  Routes  to  the  Pacific ;  Census  of  the 
United  Stales;  Wealth;  Number  of  Representatives,  etc.  Printed 
in  Three  Colors,  and  Colored  also  in  States, 

MOUSE' S  New  Railroad  and  Township  Map  of  Illinois.   This 

is  the  latest  and  best  Map  of  Illinois  ever  published,  much  pains 
having  been  taken  to  obtain  the  most  reliable  information  from 
each  County  in  the  State, 

BLANCHARD's  Grammatical  Tree,  showing  the  Classification 
and  Properties  of  English  Parts  of  Speech.  Neatly  Colored.  A 
useful  ornament, 

A  New  Chart,  containing  the  Portraits  of  the  Presidents,  with 

a  brief  Sketch  of  their  Lives, 

Declaration  of  Independence, 

Do.  Do.  in  German, 

Costumes  of  all  Nations, 

United  States  at  One  View 

World  

Tree  of  Liberty,  containing  the  Seals  of  all  the  States, . .' 

A  New  Chart  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  with  Na 
tional  Flag, 

Township  Map  of  Pennsylvania,  with  Population  for  1S40  and 

iSoO, • 

Railroad  and  Township  Map  of  Ohio,  with  Population  for  1S40 
andlSSO, f 

Railroad  and  Township  Map  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut, 
and  Rhode  Island, 

Map  Of  New-York  State,  with  Population  for  1840  and  1850, 

Map  Of  New- York  City,  with  Census  at  various  periods,  from  1C53 

^to  1850, ! |  0  25 

New- York  and  Vicinity,  embracing  30  miles  around  the  City,    ...  |  0  25 


PARSONS'  CATALOGUE. 


Retail 
Prices. 


Map  of  the  New-England  States, 

World  at  One  View,  Costumes  of  all  Nations,  etc., 

Map  of  Ireland,  Colored  in  Counties, 

Morse's  World, 

NewR.K.Map, 


0  25 
0  25 
0  25 
0  3T 
0  S3 


MOUNTED  MAPS  AND  CHARTS. 


Eetail 
Prices. 


CHAPIN'S  Large  Ornamental  Map  of  the  United  States,  with 
Portraits  of  all  the  Presidents,  on  steel.  Size  5  ft.  1  in.  by  4  ft.  4  in., 

Map  of  North-America,  Europe,  and  the  North- Atlantic 
Ocean,  showing  the  Lines  of  Communication  between  the  Conti 
nents.  Size  5  ft.  4  in.  by  3  ft., 

JOHNSON'S  Map  and  Chart  of  the  New  World,  Illustrated  and 
Embellished,  showing  the  British  Possessions  on  the  Western  Con 
tinent,  the  United  States  and  Territories,  West-India  Islands, 
Central  and  South-America,  with  the  Pacific  Coast.  From  the 
latest  authorities.  Size,  3  ft,  6  in.  by  4  ft.  9  in., 

JOHNSON'S  Four-Sheet  Map  of  the  New  World,  recently  im 
proved.  Size  4  ft.  4  in.  by  4  ft, 

Four-Sheet  Map  of  the  United  States,  showing  the  Counties  of  the 
United  States,  with  a  Plan  of  its  Territories,  from  the  latest  au 
thorities,  and  a  splendid  Ornamental  Border.  Size  3  ft.  10  in.  by 

8  ft.  3  in., Colored  in  Counties, 

Do.  Bo.  Do.  "  States,... 

Map  of  the  Great  West,  embracing  the  States  of  Illinois,  Missouri, 
Wisconsin,  Iowa,  and  Territory  of  Minnesota.  A  large  and  splen 


did  Map.    Size,  3  ft  2  in.  by  4  ft.  2  in., 


Map  of  the  World,  on  Mercator's  Projection,  with  the  Flags  of 

all  Nations,  colored.    Size,  3  ft.  10  in.  by  2  ft.  9  in., 

Do.  Do.  Do.,  improved,  showing  the  Western 
Continent  in  the  centre  of  the  map,  and  embellished  with  Engrav 
ings.  Size,  3  ft.  10  in.  by  2  ft.  10  in., 

Large  Township  Map  of  the  State  of  New-York,  most  beauti 
fully  and  distinctly  Engraved.  Size,  3  ft.  8  in.  by  2  ft.  11  in  , 

Colored  in  Towns, . . 

Do.  Do.  Do.  "       Counties,.. 

Large  Township  Map  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  Size,  3  ft.  by  3  ft.  3  in., 

'    Colored  in  Towns, . . 

Do.  Do.  Do.  "        Counties.. 

Map  of  the  United  States  and  TerritTJes,  with  Mexico  and 

the  West-Indies?,  showing    the   California   Steamship   Eoutes, 

Distances,  etc.     Size,  3  ft.  by  3  ft.  3  in 

BLANCHARD'S  Grammatical  Tree,  showing  the  Classification 
and  Properties  of  English  Parts  of  Speech.  For  the  use  of  Schools. 
"The  Chart  will  br  an  Aid  and  Omameitt  in  the  /School 
Room.'*— Joseph  McKeen,  Superintendent  of  Common  Schools, 


New- York, 


5  00 


5  00 


4  00 


4  50 


3  00 

2  50 

3  00 

2  50 

2  00 

2  50 
2  00 

1  75 
1  00 


7 


Pictorial  Map  of  the  United  States  and  Territories,  with  many 
beautiful  Engravings.  A  very  salable  Map.  Size,  3  ft.  7  in.  by 
2  ft.  8  in., 

Map  of  Canada,  East  and  West.  A  new  Edittion,  vastly  improved. 
Size  3  ft.  8  in.  by  2  ft.  9  in., 

Portraits  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  with  the  De 
claration  of  Independence,  all  on  one  large  sheet,  beautifully 
Colored  and  Mounted.  Size,  2  ft.  8  in.  by  3  ft.  7  in., 

JOHNSON'S  Map  of  Europe.    Size,  2  ft  6  in.  by  2  ft.  10  in., 

Map  of  the  City  and  County  of  New-York,  showing  also  a  por 
tion  of  Brooklyn,  Williamsburgh,  and  Jersey  City.  Size, 
5  ft.  by  2  ft.  4  in.,  .. 

Map  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode-Island.  Colored 
in  Towns.  Size,  3  ft.  3  in.  by  2  ft.  6  in., 

Map  of  the  Seven  Western  States,  comprising  Michigan, 

Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri,  Wisconsin,  and  Iowa. 

Colored  in  Counties.  Size,  2  ft  7  in.  by  2  ft.  2  in., 

Map  of  Pennsylvania.  Colored  in  Counties.  Size,  3  ft.  by  2  ft.  1  in., 
Map  of  New-York  State.  Colored  in  Counties.  Size,  2  ft.  8  in.  by 

*2  ft.  1  in., 

Map  Of  New- Jersey.  Colored  in  Counties..  Size,  2  ft.  1  in.  by  2  ft. 

8  in 

Plate  of  the  Last  Supper  of  our  Lord,  beautifully  Ornamented  and 

Colored.  Size,  2  ft.  10  in.  by  2  ft.  4  in., 

Do.  Do.  Do.  Plain, 

Plate  of  the  Crucifixion  of  Christ.  Colored.  Size,  2  ft.  8  in.  by 

2  ft.  2  in., 

Plate  of  the  Resurrection  of  Christ.  Colored.  Size,  2  ft.  8  in.  by 
2  ft.  2  in., 

Map  of  Illinois,  with  Population  for  1840  and  '50,  and  Plans 
Of  the  Cities  Of  Chicago  and  St.  Louis,  and  much  valuable  Sta 
tistical  Information.  Colored  in  Counties.  Size,  2  ft.  4  in.  by  3  ft. 

Map  of  Illinois,  with  Population  for  1840  and  '50,  and  a 
Plan  of  the  City  of  Chicago.  Colored  iu  Counties.  Size,  1  ft 
10  in.  by  2  ft.  2., .. 

Map  of  Missouri,  with  Population  for  1840  and  '50,  and  a 
P)an  of  the  City  of  St.  Louis.  Colored  in  Counties.  Size,  2  ft 
2  in.  by  1  ft.  10  in., 

Map  of  Wisconsin,  with  Population  for  1840  and  '50,  and  a 
Plan  of  the  City  of  Milwaukee.  Colored  in  Counties.  Size,  1 
ft.  10  in.  by  2  ft  2  in 

Map  of  Iowa,  with  Population  for  1840  and  '50.  Colored  in 
Counties.  Size,  2  ft.  2  in.  by  1  ft.  10  in., 

Township  Map  of  Pennsylvania,  with  Population  of  1840  and 
'50.  Colored  in  Counties.  Size,  2  ft.  7  in.  by  2  ft 

Map  of  the  Empire  State,  with  Population  of  1840  and  '50. 
Colored  in  Counties,  Size,  2  ft.  7  in;  by  2  ft, 

Township  Map  of  Ohio,  with  Population  of  1840  and  '50. 
Colored  in  Counties.  Size,  2  ft  by  2  ft.  7  in., 

Township  Map  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode- 
Island!  Colored  in  Counties.  Size,  2  ft.  7  by  2  ft 


Map  of  the  City  of  New- York,  with  Portions  of  Brooklyn, 
Williamshurgh,  and  Jersey  City.  Size,  2  ft  1  in.  by  l  ft.  9  in., 

Map  of  Thirty  Miles  around  New-York,  with  Bird's-eye 
View  of  the  City.  Size,  2  ft  by  2  ft.  7  in., 

FANNING'S  Map  of  New-York  City,  showing  the  Streets 

Seven  Miles  from  the  Battery.    Size,  2  ft  by  28ft  T  in.;  _ 
Do.  Do.  Do.  showing  the  entire 

Island,  with  Brooklyn  and  Williamsburgh.    Size,  2  ft.  by 

2  it.  i  in.j 

New  Kailroad  Map,  showing  all  the  completed  and  projected  Eail- 
roads  in  the  United  States  and  Canadas, 

Europe  and  her  Sovereigns, 

War  in  Europe, 


EANNEY'S  United  States, , 

Ireland, 

MORSE'S  World, 

World's  Progress, 

United  States  at  one  View,  . 
World  at  one  View 


JOHNSON'S  PhilosoDhical  Charts  for  Schools,. 


1  00 


1  25 
1  25 
0  75 
0  75 
0  62 
0  75 
0  50 
0  50 
0  50 
12  50 


FOREIGN       P  A  P  E  B  S  . 

Bell'sLife, 25          $1000' 

Dublin  Freeman's  Journal, 25  10  00 

Dublin  Nation, 25  10  00 

London  Art  Journal, 75  9  00 

Athenaeum 12>£ 

Illustrated  News, 25  1000 

WeeklyTimes, 12#  600 

Pictorial  Times, 12j£ 

Punch, 12# 

PictureNews, 12# 

Sunday  Dispatch, ,. 25 

Wilmer  &  Smith's  Times,. 25 

News  of  the  World, 12J£ 

London  Journal, 5 

Reynolds'  Miscellany 5 

Family  Herald, 5 

Cassell's  Illustrated  Family  Paper, 8 

A 1 1  as, 25 

Literary  Gazette, 12*£ 

Ilome  Companion, 8 

Address 

0.  F,   PARSONS, 

140  Nassau  Street* 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below, 
or  on  the  date  to  which  renewed.  Renewals  only: 

Tel.  No.  642-3405 

Renewals  may  be  made  4  days  prior  to  date  due. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


— 


u 


MAR  1 2  1980 


-ft  AS! 


1  8 


FEB141008 


LD21A-40m-8,'71 
(P6572slO)476-A-32 


General  Library 

University  of  Calif  oroi; 

Berkeley 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


